Table Of ContentCZŁOWIEK I SPOŁECZEŃSTWO T. XLII, 2016
ADEL AYADA
!
TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE LIVES
OF BEDOUIN WOMEN IN THE VILLAGES
OF NORTHERN ISRAEL
Abstract. Adel Ayada, Transformations in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel,
edited by K. Brzechczyn, “Człowiek i Społeczeństwo” vol. XLII: Modelowanie świata społecznego.
Założenia – rekonstrukcje – analizy [On Modeling of the Social World: Assumptions – Reconstruc-
tions – Analysis], Poznań 2016, pp. 297-321, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 0239-3271.
The purpose of this article is to study the status of Bedouin women in northern Israel in the past and
today in the light of modernization processes. I will examine a number of factors that have afected
this status over the past ffty years in social, economic, educational and religious areas. In the past,
the occupation of the Bedouin woman did not deviate from the boundaries of the home and mainly
entailed the preparation of food, the raising of the children, and the performance of the housework.
She was helped by support systems, such as her family of origin and her husband’s family. In Bedouin
society the traditional family constituted both an economic and a social unit. All its members worked
to ensure its safety and existence in the tribal format before the shift to modernization, which ex-
posed the families to new and unknown situations, without alternative instruments, and left them
powerless to deal with the painful reality (Ben-David, 1981: 52).
There are types of behavior that we can understand accord-
ing to the accepted verifcation of information, while there
are types of behavior, or lifestyles, that can be understood
(I’m not saying justifed) only by that people, and that is
how it is with the Bedouin.
Devereux, 1908
298 ADEL AYADA
Introduction
From the Western perspective, women in Bedouin society are discriminated
against, and perceived as being controlled by men in a way that infringes
upon their freedom. Indeed, traditionally the Bedouin woman neither can
make decisions on her own, nor is she an independent person with full
agency, but an integral part of the male experience, and she is perceived as
the property of a man or her husband. A daughter belongs to her father, and
after she marries, she moves from her father’s home to her husband’s home.
This social arrangement is characteristic of patriarchal societies led by men.
A Bedouin woman is taboo in many ways that aim at her isolation from
other men and strangers. She is forbidden from sitting in the company of
men and cannot decide about social, economic, or educational issues. She is
not an equal participant in managing the household, even though keeping the
household is her responsibility. Her movement is restricted, and she mainly
stays at home with her children while her husband goes out and meets with
outsiders. A Bedouin man has the status of the family breadwinner and is
the one who decides about crucial family matters, such as, for instance, the
children’s marriage. The role of the woman is to deliver children and raise
them. However, this responsibility comprises de facto her contribution in
the perpetuation of the male world. The woman cares above all for the boys
until they become adult men, and a woman who gives birth to many male
children is perceived as fulflling her role in the best way possible.
Bedouin society, however, is in a process of sharp changes and these
profoundly infuence the status of Bedouin women. In the frst stage of the
process of transition, the traditional Bedouin woman has transformed from
a productive fgure with sources of power and tools that gave her power
and resources, to a needy fgure. This change has brought with it a profound
identity crisis that is accompanied by a lack of self-esteem and economic
and social dependence.
A number of studies have examined the status of women in Bedouin
society, some of which show the above mentioned tremendous changes that
Bedouin society is undergoing (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006; Abu-Saad, 1995;
Alatona, 1993; Rimlet, 1991). Various aspects of these transformations affect
men and women differently. It can be said, on the basis of existing literature
and my own observations, that men come in direct contact with the agents
of change, while the women remain tied to their homes and families. Para-
doxically, from the women’s perspective their social life becomes even more
Transformation in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel 299
limited than in the recent past. The access of Bedouin women to education
and work, for example, still depends on the status of the men in the family,
who act as their guardians and husbands. Transformations in social relations
resulting from interaction with the outside world and economic relations
seem faster than changes in the worldview of the Bedouin society. This
outlook continues to be permeated with concepts such as honour and shame
and secured by the confnement of women to home and meant to keep or
raise family status in the community (Kassam, 2002; Pesta-Shubert, 2005).
The Bedouin are a small ethnic group living as a minority in the State
of Israel, separated spatially from the Jewish towns and villages. Ethnically
and linguistically they are a part of Arab society, but for the most part they
are partly rejected by the rest of the Arab population because of their dif-
ferent lifestyle and especially because of their military service in the army
of the State of Israel.
Today, Bedouins live as residents in villages and towns. They experi-
ence modernization, which has been forced upon them (no doubt, some of
them were co-opted into this project) and adapt to the new and incessantly
evolving situation. In this process, the family relationships have begun to
change, namely loosen. In the eyes of the elders, the new generations are
slowly losing their heritage and ignoring or reinterpreting their family laws
and their dignity and honour.
Because of the transition from a nomadic lifestyle to a settled lifestyle
in villages, a large number of Bedouin children have been raised in villages
and have grown up with the laws of the State and in the modern economic
and social environment, and not according to the customary tribal principles
held by their forefathers. These younger generations do not identify with
Bedouin tradition, and rather they feel a part of Arab society; the latter has
a strong infuence on the daily life in Bedouin communities. Again, the older
Bedouins maintain that their society is becoming similar to that of modern
Arabs. One of the most important results of this cultural transformation is
the noticeable loosening of the close family ties.
Most of the research studies conducted on the Bedouin and the status of
the women have addressed the Bedouin society in the South of Israel – in
the Negev Desert (as in Abu Rabia Sarab, 2000; Alatona, 1993; Ben-David,
1981; Pesta-Shubert, 2005). About Bedouin society in the North of Israel
there are very few research studies.
This article will address the following question. What are the changes
that have occurred in the status of the Bedouin woman from the establish-
ment of the State until today?
300 ADEL AYADA
As a young man who lives in a Bedouin community near Jewish com-
munities, I have always been interested in the cultural life of the Bedouin.
I decided to focus on the fgure and role of a Bedouin woman, since she is
undergoing changes from leading a life in the family and the village to a life
that is associated with “modern times” – with study and job opportunities in
the outside world. This situation is perceived by village elders as a rebellion
against the Bedouin social norms. However, in the eyes of young people,
the opposite is true: it appears as a positive change that contributes to the
wellbeing and economic situation of the family.
Aside from the cultural components, this work has taught me to under-
stand the difference between people, both in the aspect of gender (men –
women) and in the aspect of age (younger women – older women).
Research Method – Research Design
The article is based on my own ethnographic research. All the interviewees
were Arabic speakers and therefore the questionnaires and interviews were
conducted in the Arabic language, which is the native language of all the
interviewees. Every interview for the flling out of the questionnaire lasted
up to three hours and sometimes even longer. From the linguistic point of
view, conducting interviews was not a problem for me, since I come from
the Bedouin community and I speak Arabic. This is what is called ‘anthro-
pology from home.’
Sample and Sampling Method
For the purpose of this research study, 20 women and 20 men, ranging in
ages from 18 to 55, were asked questions. All the respondents agreed to
participate in the study voluntarily, and without any compensation. They
participated out of their own free will and had the right to end their conver-
sation with me at any time.
Research Instruments
In my study I used an open ethnographic questionnaire. This research instru-
ment is an accepted method in the feld of the social sciences. The ques-
Transformation in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel 301
tionnaire is a convenient tool for use. In addition, the questionnaires given
to the research respondents are uniform and the responses are recorded in
a uniform manner that enables rapid and effcient analysis of the fndings.
The questionnaire examines different aspects. It collects the respondent’s
personal information, addresses a general description of the Bedouin life,
examines the role of the Bedouin woman according to the traditional and
modern perception, presents questions on the transition from a nomadic life
to permanent settlement and its infuence on the life of the Bedouin woman,
and investigates the issue of marriage and divorce in the Bedouin population.
It was a little diffcult to set the meetings clearly with the older women
(they are indifferent to time). Some of them were also suspicious about
some of the questions.
The research study was conducted in several stages in the months of
March through July 2015. It was explained to the respondents that the
questionnaire would constitute the basis for the writing of an article on
the status of the Bedouin woman in the North of Israel and is a part of my
research study in the framework of a doctoral dissertation. The respondents
were asked to answer the questions honestly and to indicate their position
accordingly.
The Origin and History of the Bedouin
The term ‘Bedouin’ was given by the residents of the village and city and
originates in the Arabic word badiyah, which means desert. The Bedouin call
themselves Aaravi, which means pure Arab, and the Bedouin tribe describes
in essence the group of Arabs to which it belongs.
Additional reference to the concept of “Bedouin” can be found in two
complementary defnitions. The frst addresses the Arab nomads who live
in tents, while the second addresses Arabs who identify with a tribe and not
with a place (Ashkenazi, 1972; Ibn Khaldun, 1966).
According to many accounts, the Bedouin originate from the tribes who
have wandered in the Arabian deserts, Syria, the Fertile Crescent, the Sinai
Peninsula, Egypt, Libya, and Algeria (Ben-David, 2004; Medzini, 1984).
This commonly accepted story about the Bedouin living in the State of
1
Israel can be found in the words of my informant A’ , a woman who is 39
years old.
1
All informants are anonymized and I use pseudonyms for them.
302 ADEL AYADA
The Bedouin are in essence Arabs. They are a minority in Arab society.
They have customs different from those of the Arabs in Israel. This society
is characterized by tremendous conservatism. Bedouin society in Israel is
also divided into parts. There are certain levels. Some of the families are
considered more Bedouin than others. The accent of Bedouin society is
different from the rest of the Arab population and the manner of dress and
the ways of life are too.
Moshe Shohat and Yosef Ben-David (2000) maintain that the Bedouin
in the land of Israel attribute themselves to the Arab tribes in the Arabian
Peninsula. They see this to be their homeland, their culture, and the herit-
age of Arab culture, which began in the ‘authentic’ desert Bedouin culture.
For them, for three thousand years of history very little changed, and even
the transformations they experienced in the period of the Ottoman Empire
did not succeed in blurring their identity. The Bedouin culture was shaped
in the context of a relative separation from the other Arab cultures. One of
the value-oriented elements important for Bedouins, an element that in their
opinion preserves their separation and uniqueness, is the notion of al etzel
ve’al petzel (attribution and origin). Although the origin of many tribes is
not clear, it is interesting that tribes that are not seen as “true Bedouins”
by those who perceive themselves as ‘true Bedouins,’ do all they can to be
considered as such. The reason is that being Bedouin has in their eyes a high
status, probably because of their Arab origin, and in the Negev most of the
groups that were once considered non-Bedouin want to be considered and
2
registered as Bedouin.
The Bedouin have adjusted themselves and their lifestyles according
to the conditions of the countries where they live. Thus, in countries with
considerable pastureland, the Bedouin shepherd sheep, cattle, and camels.
Myths about the Bedouin preying on convoys of travellers rarely could be
2
Regarding the desire to be considered ‘true Bedouin,’ the intention is to the non-
Bedouin citizens who are in essence Fellahin Arabs or not of Bedouin origin or who have
married a Bedouin woman. They want to be considered Bedouin because the government
and the laws in the State of Israel address the Bedouin better, particularly the Bedouin in the
North of Israel. In the South of Israel the government does not differentiate well between
the “true Bedouin”, who are members of the original ancient tribes of the Negev, and the
Fellahin Arabs, Arabs who came from Egypt or from South Gaza, and settled in the Ne-
gev out of different considerations, mostly economic. In the past the Bedouin constituted
a closed community that did not allow its women to marry outside of the tribe, so as to
preserve the purity of the blood. Another reason that Arabs want to be considered Bedouin
is that the Bedouin can join the Israeli army if they want and military service provides them
with benefts (Aharoni, Reuven [2006]).
Transformation in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel 303
confrmed and attacks on residents and agricultural communities were spo-
radic. This would be done to steal cattle or settle blood feuds. Unsurprisingly,
under the infuence of many factors, the life of the tribes became different
over time. Thus there is a difference between the semi-mobile tribes and the
permanently settled tribes (Bedouin Database website).
According to Sigal Tal (1994), in previous periods many compared the
Bedouin to people from the Bible, where the fgure of the Bedouin was
delineated on the background of the loneliness of the desert. However, this
picture was not faithful to the lives of certain Bedouin at certain times, and
it defnitely does not characterize their lives today in Israel. Bedouin soci-
ety in the Negev is commonly divided into three groups according to three
forms of settlement: semi-nomadic, spontaneous settlement, and settlement
in the villages established by the government (Spector Ben-Ari, 2013). It is
important to remember that this situation, including the trend to permanently
settle populations that were nomadic and semi-nomadic, is not unique to
Israel. The settlement in villages notes a signifcant change in the Bedouin’s
life, and it entails loss of assets and social change.
I chose to address the years after the founding of the State of Israel. In
these years enormous changes occurred among the residents of the state in
general and among the Bedouin in the Negev in particular. Some families
fed or were deported to Jordan and Sinai, some returned to Israel, and in
1953 the Bedouin population in Israel consisted of about 11,000 people,
or in other words, about one-sixth of its population in 1948. Although the
Bedouin in the Negev were considered citizens of Israel, until 1966 they
lived under military rule, which decisively infuenced the civilian areas of
life. Because of these conditions, the tribe became a political unit, whose
leader was the Sheikh appointed by the government, with his consent. At
the beginning of the 1950s the Bedouin were removed from their lands and
settled in the Sajur area in the Beersheva valley, which constitutes about
one-tenth of the land populated by them previously. Today, as well, most of
the Bedouin are found in this region (Ben-David, 1985).
The question of the ownership of the lands both in the Sayag area (the
triangle of land between the cities of Dimona, Arad, and BeerSheva) and in
the spaces that the Bedouin left in the 1950s has remained and continues to
infuence the plans for regional development in general and the settlement of
the Bedouin in particular. The State of Israel decided to solve this problem
by the development of a plan for permanent communities of the Bedouin in
the Negev. The main theme of the plan is the fnal surrender of the Bedouin
of the lands they dispute with the State, in return for lands and residential
304 ADEL AYADA
infrastructures that the State provides for them in the seven townships that
it established in the Sayag area (Tal, 1994).
Today, the Bedouin consist of 220,000 people (as of 2013) and they are
characterized by a variety of forms of settlement, which range from nomad-
ism to urbanization. Over the years, the traditional life of nomadism has
steadily disappeared, and today only approximately 10% of the Bedouin live
in peripheral tent communities, found entirely in the Eastern and Southern
Negev. About 50% of the Bedouin population (about 30,000-35,000 people)
are found in spontaneously erected village communities, dispersed in the
BeerSheva valley and near the Bedouin townships (these communities are
called the ‘Dispersal’). These communities, constructed of shanties and
shacks, lack the indications of an orderly and organized modern community
(Tal, 1994).
Many Bedouins perceive such politics negatively. In an interview I con-
ducted with B’, a woman aged 55, I asked her to tell me about the system
of relations created between the Jews and the Bedouin. She was strident in
her argument that there is clear and intentional unfairness on the part of the
State authorities against the Bedouin population.
There is discrimination on the part of the State and its institutions against
the Bedouin. The Bedouin and the Jews live together out of lack of choice
and attempt to accept this. Some of them have dignity and full protection,
while others have hatred.
D’, a woman who is 48 years old, adds information about the system of
relations and the connections created between Jews and Bedouin according
to their perception.
In comparison to the past, now there are relations with the Jews, but these
are for the purpose of studies and business, or in other words, not a friendship
from the heavens. They know one another if they learn together in school
or at the university or if there is business between them.
The Culture of the Tent and Nomadism
The traditional Bedouin tent, or in its accepted name beyt al-shaar, is built
of strips, which comprise sheets woven from the hair of black goats. The
role of the Bedouin woman is to work the hair, to make it into strings, and
then to sew and connect the sheets from which the tent is built. One of the
prominent advantages of the Bedouin tent is the possibility of transforming
it into an ideal home for living in the desert, which takes into consideration
Transformation in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel 305
the extreme changes of the weather and the special lifestyle of the Bedouin.
Moshe Shohat and Yosef Ben-David (2000) note that the suitability of the
traditional Bedouin tent to the desert conditions is expressed in two main
areas: the materials that build the parts of the tent and the position of the
tent during the different seasons of the year. When the tribe is interested in
moving from place to place, it is possible to take down the tent, to fold it
according to a certain order of folds, to put it on a camel’s back for trans-
portation, and then to erect it anew in the desired place. The inner structure
of the tent is divided into two main sections, separate in their form and role.
The frst section, the men’s section (on the right), is the mikad al regal or
shik (the hosting section), while the second section is the women’s section
(on the left), the mecharem or mecharema (the section for residence and
children). Between the two sections there is a special sheet, which creates an
extreme separation between the two sexes in almost all areas of life. Among
the Bedouin who live in the south of Israel, the northern part of the tent is
the area of the women, while the southern part is the area of the men, in
which all the social activity of the men in the family is held. The women’s
many roles include an important role in the hosting of the guests, although
it is prohibited for the Bedouin women to be found in the men’s section.
Girls who reach sexual maturity cannot enter the section of the men, unless
their guardian father, husband, brother, or uncle, calls them to enter. In this
case, the woman or adolescent girl must cover her face (from the Bedouin
database website).
A’, a man who is 44 years old, gives a general description of the changes
in the lives of the Bedouin over the years:
There have been changes in the lives of the Bedouin residents, where
the frst change is expressed in that there has been a process of urbanization
of sorts. Many families have moved to live from tents to regular homes and
villages. The changes that were created were forced on them because of
the confict with the general surrounding modern society, in other words,
Western society. Despite the modernization, the society is still considered
a conservative society and it upholds even more than ever certain patterns...
G’, a woman who is 50 years old, describes the life of the Bedouin who
live in the State of Israel according to her perspective as follows:
I see the Bedouin as an inseparable part of the Muslim Arab people, but
the Bedouin in the State of Israel are repressed by the State. On the one hand,
the State wants them to leave the life of nomadism and live in permanent
communities, but the Bedouin are not willing to do this, arguing that this
is the tradition and it has supreme value in the identity of every person and
306 ADEL AYADA
particular in that of the Bedouin who have lived for generations according
to this lifestyle.
I think that there is a hostile system of relations, since the Bedouin say
that ‘they’ stole the lands and tradition from us and ‘we’ will steal from
them their property.
The Role of the Bedouin Woman
According to the Traditional and Modern Perception
To describe the role of the Bedouin woman according to the traditional
perception, I chose to divide the woman’s roles into two spheres: the home
and family sphere, and the public-tribal sphere.
The status of the Bedouin woman in the home-family sphere is that of-
fcially the man is the one who makes the decisions in the family. However,
in all the decisions relating to the family matters, the woman has consider-
able infuence. For example, on the topic of the choice of a husband for their
daughter or a wife for their son, the man takes into consideration his wife’s
opinion. It is important to note that the woman’s degree of obedience to her
husband is expressed in the extent to which she listens to his directives and
does not dispute his decisions. In contrast to the status of the woman in the
home-family sphere, it is possible to see that in the public-tribal sphere her
role is more marginal. The Bedouin woman is not permitted to participate in
any tribal institution that makes decisions on the matters of organization and
procedures of the tribe, since the problems are discussed among the tribal
elders, who are men, without any representation of women. In addition, the
woman is forbidden to appear in public, and even small talk with a man from
outside of her family may arouse the wrath of her family members (The
Bedouin database website).
When A’, a woman who is 48 years old, was asked to write what in her
opinion the role of the Bedouin woman in the home sphere and in the public
sphere is, she responded:
In the home sphere she is responsible for everything, for the housework,
the cooking, the care of the children and the husband. In the public sphere,
if she works then she contributes to her workplace, but she cannot infuence
matters considerably since always there is a wall before her. It should be
noted that there are women who cannot leave the home and therefore their
role in the public sphere is nil.
