Table Of ContentForeword
Matthew Fuller
Computers Require Hinges
What does a world enfolded into computational processes feel like, look like? How
does it work? These questions concern many, and for one inquiry into such a world
it might be appropriate to turn to a text from early in the history of computing. In
1851, a modest proposal was delivered to the public by Alfred Smee, a renowned
surgeon and Fellow of the Royal Society. Smee’ s plan was for a remarkable device for
the computing and evaluation of English-language statements, which built on his
research into Galvanism (chemical and biological forms of electromagnetism) and that
he named “ electrobiological language.” It was to combine a logical ordering of the
structure of language with an understanding of the human body ’ s nervous activity.
In the plan for Smee ’ s Relational Machine (figure F.1), each word in the English
language was to be assigned a number or a letter according to kind and ordered accord-
ing to a geometrical hierarchy, with the act of thinking consisting of soberly compar-
ing the relations between these symbols. Smee noted that although the work may be
done algebraically, a machine is preferable because “ each cypher may be best repre-
sented by any contrivance, the parts of which continually divide by a hinge joint
into two portions.” The proposal aimed to create conditions in which language might
become exact, reducible to compressed statements in cipher, where “ the entire words
of the English language were arranged in their mutual relations ” (Smee 1851, 25). 1
Given that a number of Smee ’ s example statements are conspicuously racialized, it
is notable that this system was not solely to be a matter of conforming consciousness
to a higher order, but one in which statements could be arranged by different creeds
or sets of belief materialized in their own sets of geometrical articulation (Smee 1851,
49). The Differential Machine, a variant form of the project, was to provide a means
of exemplifying the laws of logical judgment, but with a twist. At the same time as
promulgating a plurality of reason, Smee also proposed an “ artificial system of reason-
ing, ” the correct use of which would guarantee that “ no form of sophistry or quibble
can be successfully employed” (1851, 38), the machine being useful in this way for
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xii Matthew Fuller
Figure F.1
Alfred Smee’ s Relational Machine.
S ource : From Smee 1851, 41.
the settling of civil and criminal trials according to logical principle and adherence to
the correctly phrased law.
Although contemporaneous to Charles Babbage’ s long attempts to produce mechan-
ical calculation machines, this linguistic computer had no planned level of automa-
tion. Its hand-powered machinic form, the precise design of which remains obscure,
did produce, however, certain problems that placed it in direct relation to the city in
which it was envisaged, as Smee noted: “ When the vast extent of a machine suffi-
ciently large to include all words and sequences is considered, we at once observe the
absolute impossibility of forming one for practical purposes, inasmuch as it would
cover an area exceeding probably all London, and the very attempt to move its respec-
tive parts upon each other, would inevitably cause its own destruction ” (1851, 43).
In the present day, thanks to miniaturization, the logical equivalent of such a device
can fit into a semiconductor. For Smee, thought was a process of ease and efficiency,
but the brain, being of God ’ s work, would never be improved upon by mere artfulness.
Thanks to the living complexity of language and the material culture of his time, upon
which the whole thing hinged, the Differential Machine and the Relational Machine
were sadly unfeasible. Although Smee ’ s project was not conceptually unrelated to
earlier projects proposed by others, such as Gottfried Leibniz, for the rationalization
and logical machining of language or in the present day to certain tendencies in arti-
ficial intelligence, it is perhaps the first of such schemes to perform a collapse of the
scales of logic, language, and space. As such, it is one that makes an ideal precursor
to the fields of ubiquitous or pervasive computing, urban computing, augmented
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Foreword xiii
reality, and mixed reality, which alongside locative media are the currents that in their
variegation, resonances, and splits form a context for this volume.
Smee’ s map is far larger than the territory in spatial terms, but it is linguistically
substantially more compressed, and here there is another convergence with the subject
of this book. Small pockets of space, an icon, or a patch of street opens up into mul-
tifarious imaginings, access to vast networks, or the collective mumblings and inanities
of hundreds of fellow citizens — arrangements with enormous and unprecedented
capacity for dynamics of interrelation and the condensation and expansion of such
relations. And here Smee ’ s anticipation of the self-destructive impossibilities of his
machine are instructive. Language, standing in for culture more generally, is in excess
of machining. Machines, also part of culture, produce worlds beyond the capacity of
the simply human scale. Somewhere in the interplay between the forces that cannot
be circumscribed by the particularities of the one or the other and riddled with influ-
ences from other scales is computational culture. As mentioned, Smee ’ s system has
resonances with other attempts to systematize the whole of language or the interpreta-
tion of movement to set out laws and taxonomies — to establish underlying architec-
tures for thought, language, culture. Quite a number of these attempts have arisen as
research projects in computing; others with more specialized usages are widespread.
Another approach is possible however, one based around the recognition of patterns
or patching; the recognition of the unstability of systems and of multiplicitous forces
acting with, among, and against each other with different effects; and the recognition
of objects, knowledge, and events at each scale. Again, many obscure and rather more
familiar computational systems take such a stance. Among them, this book puts in
place something of such a lively patchwork approach toward the assemblage of a
cultural recognition of the prospects of ubiquitous computing (ubicomp).
As such, this foreword, responding to the diversity and energy of approaches here,
does not attempt to provide a summary overview of the book, something its editor
achieves more insightfully in the introduction. What I aim to do here is to circulate
a few responses, little relational machines in their own way, that travel among the
various sections and contributions assembled here in order to draw out some reso-
nances and questions. These responses, together with the grouping of texts along
thematic lines in the book ’ s sections, aim to develop, as one might in a database, dif-
ferent v iews onto the materials assembled here to recognize certain aspects of the ways
in which these texts speak to each other and to the contemporary problematics of art
and culture emerging with ubicomp.
Early Ubiquity
To begin rather abruptly then, it would perhaps be relatively easy to write off the
preliminary work in ubiquitous computing as the result of the site of its genesis.
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xiv Matthew Fuller
Xerox fluffed the opportunity to capitalize on its brilliant early development of win-
dowing systems and in the end saw the interface devices and concepts largely devel-
oped at its Palo Alto Research Center (PARC) providing the inspiration for the
Macintosh (another such source being the product design of Dieter Rams – era Braun)
and subsequently, so the story goes, for Windows. For the researchers at PARC, on
the opposite coast to Xerox’ s corporate head office and far more substantially plugged
into research at nearby Stanford and local professional networks than was the com-
pany that hosted them, the capacity to experiment was both imperative and possible.
The idea of promoting a third generation of computing, first the mainframe, with
many users time-sharing one computer, then the personal computer (PC), with one
user to one computer, and then many computers time-sharing one user or flows
of users shared in the progressive narratives of liberation that these earlier genera-
tions, in particular the PC, had been prone to. In such a context, ubicomp might be
assumed simply to be the human-factors imaginary of an office equipment company
dreaming of a computational update to its competitors’ products. The early image
of what ubicomp might be is suggested in an early popularizing text, which gives us
the image of computers refigured as Post-it notes, whiteboards, employee name tags,
and locationally aware telephone forwarding systems (Weiser 1991). You might say
they were the hardware equivalent of apps, but, perhaps more interesting, the model
also shifts computing from being a monolinear process to being a multidimensional
process.
A notable contemporary competitor was virtual reality (VR). VR (except in much
of the science fiction of the time, which generally networked it — in another, rather
more charred liberation narrative — as a collective hallucination) was an outgrowth of
the PC, but one paradigmatically concerned with the rate at which polygons can be
thrown at an eyeball. That is, it incorporated the human perceptual mechanism into
a classic problem of computing in relation to time. How much processing power and
how much resolution does it require to induce a user to sense a three-dimensional
world without experiencing perceptual conversion problems? Such a question once
implied a supposed future convergence point of all media, especially those locked into
the ocular socket. Now (as if this particular point in time when I write has anything
substantial to itself as assayer of futures and pasts) VR is a rather specialist technology
with uses in occupational therapy and scientific imaging. It hit something of a brick
wall through its combination of computational complexity with an adherence to
aesthetic realism. Realism has a complicated and troubled history in the arts, and its
particular manifestation in VR tends to be governed by a technical adherence to per-
spective as a symbolic form — that is to say, by stepping right into the visual high tech
of the Renaissance (Panofsky 1993). In some respects, this step can be seen as quite
an historical advance on computing ’ s perennial fascination with a pop Platonic or, at
best, Kantian understanding of beauty as the conceptual horizon for aesthetics. Given
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Foreword xv
this, ubicomp’ s scattered and, one might say, even fragmented image of computing
with multiple devices provides a promising step toward other forms of aesthetic drive.
Mark Weiser ’ s image of a fragmented, partial form of computing is one that decreases
the staging of computing, proposing one that is peripheral, intuitive, and nonostenta-
tious. His modest advocacy of ethnography in the first flush of its integration within
corporate information technology speaks of a welcoming idealism, though one that
kept the sociologists, cognitive scientists, and others at the opposite end of the build-
ing separate from the computer scientists. At PARC, ideas from the humanities and
social sciences were used as means of deriving new perspectives in computer science
rather than as part of a fully fledged commitment to interdisciplinarity. The root
humanism of ubicomp at this phase was one that de-emphasized the foregrounding
of computers to make their manifestations freer and “ unobtrusive” (Weiser 1993b),
a term that perhaps describes more fully than u biquity the quality Weiser sought. To
write ubicomp off, then, as a branch of futurism for stationers is potentially rather
preemptive.
Preemption of another sort might be rather more germane to the topic, however.
Although the sites of the foundational devices and texts of ubicomp may be many
and dispersed away from a terminal, they are by and large gathered round a person
or what passes for a person — namely, patterns of events in software, in sensors, that
are read as behaviors signifying intentions or conditions. And here is one crucial dis-
tinction between many of the contributions to this book and the earlier formulations
of ubicomp: an awareness that a reliance on pattern recognition and the prediction
of future behaviors on the basis of recorded traces of habits is something requiring
critical attention. Such awareness is something that partially differentiates early work
in ubicomp from some of its other competitors — for instance, the intelligent agent,
proposed by Nicholas Negroponte, among others, and the models of intimate com-
puting or personal dynamic media, promulgated by Alan Kay and collaborators
(Kay and Goldberg 1977), which aimed, by other means, to make the computer more
personal.
Among the aspects of culture that this book probes are the specificities of the par-
ticular scales at which such attention might operate. Mark Hansen ’ s arguments for an
aesthetics at the scale of microsensation imply, as he notes, forms of interrelation,
which may be disjunctive with those of longer durations, such as those of media
systems, but these forms afford fragmentary connections to wider networks, them-
selves of different kinds and pacings, modes of address, valorization, and recognition.
Such systems may also be manifest in economic, political, and computational terms
at multiple scales and produce further disjoint entities such as data sets and customer
and user profiles, tracking and inducing value, plugging flickers of affect into share-
price indexes or fits of the giggles. In addition to such disjunctions, there are strange
loops between different schema by which multiple scales and temporalizations of
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xvi Matthew Fuller
perception are interrelated. As Stamatia Portanova has suggested in relation to dance’ s
cadences, numberings, and rhythm, calculational forms themselves move in and out
of conscious perception, involving several different layers of sensation, coordination,
planning, and other modes of thought at different levels of abstraction, not precluding
the transcendental because abstractions are woven in at multiple scales and moments
of the dance (2009, 245). Such work suggests that the autonomy of the neural may
be partial and momentary, not absolute. Katherine Hayles develops in her chapter
here an argument for understanding such processes in terms of a refiguring of infor-
mation and thus continues some of the crucial work done in her book H ow We Became
Posthuman (1999). Such an approach is inherently multiscalar, recognizing different
sites at which information is generated, ingested, informed — each site in different
perspectival modes and contexts and at different states of an interpretative process.
Differing in kind, timing, mechanism, and spatialization but articulable as variegated
yet coherent processes, each scale bears relation in turn to different forms of intellec-
tion, abstraction, and physicality. The question running among various texts in this
book and giving one of several inflections to the title is how integrated or not these
scales and systematizations may be.
To return to what is parsed as a person: many ubicomp devices do not take records
of their usage. Others do or can be hooked up to do so in great detail. Certain of these
devices are also saturated in connections to networks of other devices, databases, and
recording. They might ostensibly be very good and proper, as in instruments that
record someone ’ s vital signs and prompt any necessary medical measures. Other
mechanisms might enable the discovery or analysis of other kinds of unrecognized
phenomena. In other cases, however, in the making recordings of events and the
“ personalizing” of interactions with populations of users on the basis of predictions
based on such records, a risk is run of preempting the future on the basis of the past.
Smee recognized this risk in the closing chapter of his proposal. It was ultimately
deemed impossible to restrain the development of language to the axiomatic workings
of a machine simply because there can be what he nicely calls “ quibbles” of interpre-
tation or use— in other words, because language changes over time and in context.
Political interpretations of such things, filtered through different means of formulating
the questions (as issues of privacy, surveillance, control, and so on), ally themselves
to interpretations that are also aesthetic in nature. One question to ask of such things
is how, in a system that hones in on the personal on the basis of recorded habits, may
the new arise? A further question is how best to recognize the cultural valence of
models and predictions, abstract operators, as active in themselves.
Among such abstract operators, a characteristic of certain strands of contemporary
aesthetics is their development as open systems. Such systems maintain relatively
coherent sets of behaviors despite their constitution by changing sets of different
entities or energies flowing in and out of them and by those that are readily able to
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Foreword xvii
conjoin or interoperate with others. Choosing the right pinch points, the precise
means of articulating these movements; establishing the anatomy of linkages, con-
straints, and derivations between movements and the ways they are attended to; and,
in turn, tracing or inventing means by which such pinch points can themselves be
handled by distributed agency become crucial to an aesthetics of such systems. But a
description of such artfulness can equally be applied to contemporary forms of control,
making the recognition of patterns and the choice of patterns to invent or attend to
becomes a crucial ethical as well as aesthetic task.
Calm
Following this ethicoaesthetic conjuncture, it is not clear if the founders of ubiquitous
computing imagined their project in relation to art. But one aspect of contemporary
computing that seems to attract dissensus in this volume is the optimal amount of
arousal to be generated in users. Ubicomp was originally envisaged as an enabling,
“ calm ” (Weiser and Brown 1995, 1996), pleasant, and effective way of getting things
done. In commentary on more recent manifestations, which are proliferating in terms
of nomenclature into differing tendencies in pervasive computing, physical comput-
ing, tangible media, locative media, and so on, we are reminded that “ there are power-
ful informatics underlying the apparent simplicity of the experience, but they never
breach the surface of awareness: things Just Work” (Greenfield 2006, 1).
For anyone versed in the sociology or philosophy of technology, things never “ just
work, ” not on their own. As Smee’ s machines show, things barely even exist without
cascades of operations on and around them in order to stabilize and modify their
operations. As Kristin Veel notes in her chapter, following Paul Valéry in a formulation
shared by Roberto Simanowski, art, by contrast, calls attention to itself or, perhaps
further, takes part in the arranging of attention, occluding its peripheries. There is a
great deal of sleight of hand, of behind-the-scenes number crunching or prop lifting,
in maintaining the theater of operations with apparent smoothness. It may be the
case that certain layers in art systems are submerged beneath the levels of particular
kinds of aesthetic interpretation or operation. It is in part the particular repertoire of
calling attention to itself that defines the art concerned. But attention itself is mutable,
mobile, and fallible; particular attunements to certain qualities of tone, tension, pace
— the range of expressive capacities of various elements in a composition that are
induced, encouraged, entrained, provoked, or perhaps not quite reached— characterize
much of what is valuable in art, but which we yet have to learn to work with in
computing.
At times, there is a direct contradiction between calm smartness and art. Calmness
is a quality that may be desirable in vehicle satellite-navigation devices or expert
systems for surgeons, but even in these cases whether technology is “ commanded”
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xviii Matthew Fuller
(Weiser and Brown 1996) or “ dwelt ” with (Weiser and Brown 1995), it may be arrived
at only during a sweet spot when all other factors are conducive. Using such technolo-
gies, at least in the affective mode prescribed, requires that one not be faced with
hemorrhaging patients on the operating table or vehicles stacked with screaming
offspring or maddening delivery schedules. That is to say, as many of the contributors
of this volume aver, calmness is an emergent property of the interactions of multiple
scales of entity and process, not something that can be technically delivered as an
item on a checklist of features. Calm may indeed be something generated by users in
spite of the technical features of the devices with which they operate. Calm is the
state of moral people tranquilly going about their allotted business, but it is also the
state of sleep of the crew of a BP oil rig who “ inhibited” alarms designed to register
malfunctioning equipment (Pilkington 2010a, 2010b). 2 The twist of the artwork ’ s
“ opening out,” in Lev Vygotsky’ s (1971) terms, into the unexpected is perhaps more
appropriate.
In a strange echo of such a capacity, Noortje Marres’ s (2009) study of the use of tech-
nology such as green smart meters to monitor domestic energy consumption in “ green
living experiments” is used to show how the system of energy controls to monitor and
change habits in relation to climate damage is currently “ undoable,” unfeasible rather
than reversible, at the level of the individual or household. It is tricky, even improper,
to be calm about the nature of energy supplies and the convolutions that the artifacts
that use them put users through in the overdeveloped world. But even with wall-to-
wall informatic carpeting that runs from fridges to kettles to meters to blogs, finding
means of recognizing and effectively working on their entanglements is more difficult.
If ecological interwovenness is often beneath and beyond our abilities to perceive and
ostensibly beyond our capacities to “ do, ” a raging calmness is thus a common result.
Another option, as Marres advises, is to start experimenting with things. 3
Such experiments may do well to start by reworking the preconditions of usefulness
or implicit desiderata in computing. Humanist approaches to computing abjure what
is often perceptively called “ data fetishism,” which tends to valorize the qualities of
the artificial, the nonintimate, the alienated and manipulable in favor of the truthful
supported subject. An “ evil ” or sophistic approach to contemporary media might see
this fetishism as precisely a point where media become interesting, with overt artifi-
ciality providing the grounds to escape from what is presented as a natural fait accom-
pli (Fuller and Goffey 2010). Nevertheless, one suggested response to information
overload in this vein is wise: to demand more. As an example of how access to infor-
mation should be, how it should feel, Mark Weiser suggests that it bears comparison
to a refreshing walk in the woods, an ecological situation absolutely laden with infor-
mation, but perhaps not as much as is immediately demanding of a contemporary
office worker (1991, 104). For others, different relations run through woods, perhaps,
as Weiser (1996) notes on this motif in a later text, the traces of recently passing
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Foreword xix
animals. Alternately, as the historian of commons Peter Linebaugh asks, “ Are the
woods beautiful or horrible? . . . The answer depends on whether you were a baron
or a commoner ” (2008, 27). 4 Regardless of the starkness of his contrast, it is an illus-
trative one that chimes with considerations of the ethical dimensions of systems.
Perhaps it makes a certain sense not merely to demand and create more informa-
tion and data, but also to demand access to the structures and powers by which
information is connected to processes that create the opposite of calm or, more accu-
rately, that see the presence or absence of calm as something open to speculation—
that turn a liability, a likelihood, or a debt into property and a trait into a risk. As
ready examples of ubicomp, sensors in building information systems are in turn often
linked to regulations, insurance policies, international standards, landscapes of
smoothly interlocking or ill-fitting and grating machining, much of which is kept
highly peripheral to consciousness. According to which databases or systems one
consults, locations are linked to administrative regions, health policies, transport
mechanisms, systems that channel and produce certain kinds of expressivity of their
parts. The recent pseudo-scandals around climate science, derived from hacked emails
and documents concerning in part where certain sensors were sited or claimed to be
sited, illustrate to a staggeringly verbose extent how much the nuance and precision
of the kinds of media systems under discussion here are interlocked with wider systems
of evaluation, recording, contestation, and manipulation. Showing your working
seems increasingly imperative (see Rusell 2010). To make such things appear calm by
reducing their degree of interrogability is unhelpful in this regard. Experiments with
the nature of contemporary media — as exemplified in projects such as G oogle Will
Eat Itself by UBERMORGEN, Paulo de Cirio, and Alessandro Ludovico, discussed by
Inke Arns in this book— provide a means of opening up such dynamics, making them
recurse in interestingly tricky, revelatory, and discombobulating ways.
Ubiquity Distributions
Christiane Paul notes the dark irony in the term u biquity in a world where, like the
figurations of the woods mentioned earlier, access to clean drinking water is effectively
a privilege of the accident of birth. The saturation of computing in spaces around
individuals and in workplaces, homes, roads, hospitals, cities, and elsewhere is wildly
uneven in its global distribution. Certain parts of the world are making major subven-
tions in terms of lifetimes (through the poisoning of workers by production chemicals
and overwork and the violent treatment of trade unionists), ecological despoliation
(through metals poisoning), and chronic low-intensity conflict (through the mining
of Coltan, used in many mobile devices, which funds the civil war in Congo) 5 in
order that these computing systems are rolled out. What makes possible the massive
proliferation of integrated circuits, sensors, antennae, and networks in certain parts
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xx Matthew Fuller
of the planetary landscape? One answer points to the inventive development of small-
scale operating systems suitable for embedding in chips that is coming from academic
operating-system research and FLOSS 6 in particular; another answer involves the
improvement in battery technologies— both answers suggesting that the subject be
addressed in another mode of technological history (Weiser 1993a). Yet another
answer, however, is the price of labor— the massive and perhaps temporary cheapening
of it in manufacturing in global terms — and the lackadaisical attitude to primary
materials such as metals generated by many contemporary systems of ownership and
consumption.
Such disparity will draw readers to question not simply the equitability of the
systems that arrange such distributions, but also the traits of technologies, their uses,
and the assemblages they form. Under the literal and conceptual violence of neolib-
eralism, markets have been imposed, in Michel Foucault ’ s (2008) term, as the means
of veridiction for the value of things. Markets of various kinds act as a means of com-
puting an assumed correct value for a thing, which, alongside digitization, means that
the vast disjunctive, barely interlocking systems of equivalences put in place and
invented in various kinds of capitalism operate at a certain scale as a form of compu-
tational process. Questions can be thrown at them that are location based, personal-
ized, and time sensitive and that tend to produce an answer in a set of languages that
is highly interoperable: money. At other times, markets will make decisions autono-
mously and at yet others become articulate through forms of subjectivication such as
“ positive thinking ” (Ehrenreich 2009). Numerous patches and work-arounds such as
local-economy trading schemes, gangs, corruption, education, calculational systems,
governments, illicit and licit flows of information, nations, cultures, systems of mutual
aid, revolutions of various kinds, and many other measures have been found necessary
to keep this computer from crashing or burning out its hardware and are in turn
ameliorated and eroded by it. Like ubicomp, capitalisms, too, are unequally distrib-
uted. Other means for the computation of value in terms other than monetary are
constantly being generated. Needless to say, some of these means are far in excess of
mere common-or-garden capitalism (faced with, let ’ s say, running a design studio or
a small holding, with its straightforward emphasis on keeping things ticking over and
enjoyable, often uselessly so). But alongside and interwoven with computational and
networked digital media, more than one “ environmental” system of calculation, slip-
ping in and out of direct perception, and the multiple interfaces between them are to
be reckoned with.
Expanded Minds and Inventive Commons
One of the important discussions running through this book is how ubicomp environ-
ments may contribute to software-sorted societies as a form of iniquitous computing.
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