The Production of Ambition

341 Pages·2014·12.38 MB·English

The Production of Ambition:
the making of a Baltic business elite
Thesis submitted for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Anja Timm
Department of Anthropology
London School of Economics and Political Science
University of London
2002
UMI Number: U198707
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation comments on the current period of intense social change in the
former Soviet Union by charting processes of elite production at a business school in
Riga, Latvia. It is concerned with an ethnically diverse group of students from the
Baltic states who attend a Swedish institution established to accelerate the transition.
I suggest that rather than producing ‘catalysts of change’ the business school
represents a foreign-direct-investment into human capital. The thesis tackles the
transnational complexities of the organisation by combining ethnographic description
with an analysis of the historical and ideological shifts in international relations and a
review of the anthropological literature on socialism.
The thesis also responds to the lack of anthropological research on elites by
presenting the first ethnographic study of a business school. It investigates elite
schooling practices and parameters through an engagement with the debates on
reproduction in education. In Riga an off-the-peg curriculum sidelines issues
specifically concerned with the Baltic context; instead of addressing local problems
students are increasingly drawn towards transnational corporations. During their
attendance they partially develop their own agenda, which is a finding that questions
prevalent assumptions about the docility of students in elite education. Other key
factors of the students’ transformation are language, image, style, school space and
consumption. Their collective grooming project forms an important part of the esprit
de corps at the school. Additionally, the thesis highlights the establishment of multi­
ethnic networks on the basis of shared interests, thus challenging one-dimensional
reports of nationalism in the region.
Caught between the post-Soviet context and a forceful Swedish vision of change
students experience upward mobility along with problematic negotiations of ongoing
circumstances. Intended as a contribution to anthropological studies of post­
socialism the thesis explains how the business school generates graduates who are
willing and desirable recruits for the capitalist expansion.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT...................................................................................... 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS...............................................................................................3
LIST OF TABLES.........................................................................................................4
INTRODUCTION TO THE THESIS...........................................................................7
Fieldwork Site...........................................................................................................9
Access Arrangements..............................................................................................13
Methodology............................................................................................................18
Latvian anthropology..............................................................................................27
Scope of the thesis...................................................................................................31
Structure of the thesis..............................................................................................34
First day at REA......................................................................................................36
1. SOCIALISM AND THE BALTIC STATES........................................................42
Introduction.............................................................................................................42
1.1 Anthropological perspectives of Socialism.....................................................44
1.2 The Baltic states in the Soviet period..............................................................58
2. TRANSITION AND THE SWEDISH INPUT.....................................................66
Introduction..............................................................................................................66
2.1 Transitology vs. uncertain trajectories............................................................70
2.2 Transition and nation-building in Latvia.........................................................76
2.3 Nordic co-operation and Swedish dominance.................................................87
2.4 Sweden’s bilateral thrust..................................................................................92
2.5 REA: mission, funding and set up...................................................................95
2.6 Conclusion.......................................................................................................100
3. ELITE RECRUITMENT AND EDUCATION AT REA...................................102
Introduction............................................................................................................102
3.1 Elite schooling and reproduction theory.........................:.............................104
3.2 REA recruitment channels..............................................................................110
3.3 Selection criteria for REA students................................................................118
3.4 The REA curriculum and faculty...................................................................124
3.5 Conclusion.......................................................................................................132
4. STUDENTS’ RESPONSES TO REA SCHOOLING................. 135
Introduction............................................................................................................135
4.1 Forging the transnational connection.............................................................138
4.2 Institutional intention and educational outcomes..........................................146
4.3 Students’ reaction to the REA programme...................................................149
4.4 Theoretical implications: non-conformism and aspirations.........................159
4.5 Conclusion.......................................................................................................166
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5. SPACE, GROOMING AND STYLE AT REA...................................................168
Introduction............................................................................................................168
5.1 The Swedish nature of REA space.................................................................171
5.2 Communicating the agenda of change..........................................................181
5.3 Negotiating visible identifications: consumption at REA............................191
5.4 Theoretical considerations of space, grooming and consumption..............202
6. DISCONTINUITIES, DIFFERENTIALS AND ESPRIT DE CORPS.............209
Introduction...........................................................................................................209
6.1 REA vs. home.................................................................................................212
6.2 Issues of nationality, citizenship and difference..........................................225
6.3 Language and politics at REA........................................................................234
6.4 Esprit de corps at REA...................................................................................245
7. DESTINIES AND DESTINATIONS..................................................................257
Introduction...........................................................................................................257
7.1 Deciding between corporate and local futures.............................................259
7.2 Conflicting tendencies: academic vs. applied engagements.......................267
7.3 Mutual seduction: students and companies meet.........................................274
7.4 Arriving at the corporate destination.............................................................281
7.5 Dropping out, studying on and post-REA networking................................287
8. CONCLUSION TO THE THESIS......................................................................301
Students’ motivations and the REA programme................................................303
Reproduction vs. non-compliance and collaboration.........................................305
The centrality of grooming and consumption.....................................................307
Esprit de corps: networking on neutral ground...................................................310
The production of ambition..................................................................................313
Where are the graduates now?.............................................................................315
BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................318
APPENDIX: Historical Background (until 1940)...................................................333
Conquest.................................................................................................................333
Reformation...........................................................................................................334
18th century............................................................................................................334
19th century...........................................................................................................335
National awakening...............................................................................................336
20th century...........................................................................................................336
Independence (1918-1940)...................................................................................338
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Student intake by ‘nationality’ (1994 - 1997).............................................243
Table 2: Number of graduates who undertake graduate studies abroad...................291
Table 3: REA completion rate (student intake 1994 - 1996).....................................295
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are many people who may recognise themselves in these pages. Thank you for
allowing me to share your lives in Riga, elsewhere and ever since. I still feel that the
diversity and intensity of my memory of those two initial years is rather more
elaborate than what is documented on these pages. I have had the privilege of great
friendship, happiness and stimulating debate and I hope that this exchange will
continue for I certainly can’t imagine my life without you. I sincerely hope that if we
disagree on what is presented here that it is on the interpretation rather than on the
detail of what we experienced together.
In Riga Antra Viluma, Ruta Rungis, the gang of Deglava Heights literally made me
feel at home. At different points in time during fieldwork the families of various
students all took me into their homes and / or fed me well for a night or over a
weekend, Christmas and New Year. I would like to thank them and their families for
their generous hospitality. Furthermore, I will be forever indebted to Reinis Rubenis
without whom this thesis would have sported a different title. In terms of language
tuition I benefited greatly from the knowledge, skill and patience of Klavs
Sedlenieks, Brigita, Mrs Pestoun and Mr Lilje.
I would like to thank those who were (from 1995 until 1998) and are in charge of the
business school for generously allowing me to conduct fieldwork without asking
anything in return. Other staff in Riga were willing to let me in and let me be - thank
you. I am grateful too to the various lecturers who shared with me their insights
during interview sessions in Stockholm. Thank you also to the architects of the
business school for making time to talk to me about plans and ideas.
The Economic and Social Research Council (postgraduate award R00429534333)
supported both studies and fieldwork; I am grateful for the support and the
independence that it provided.
The idea of doing a PhD originated in Joanna Overing’s office at the LSE in 1994.1
am grateful to her for letting me work out the where and how of it at my own pace.
She has graciously supported the endeavour from afar. Throughout my studies,
fieldwork and writing up, Henrietta Moore was there every step of the way, (usually
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well ahead of me). The most regrettable part of finishing this thesis will be the lost
opportunity of claiming bits of her time and incredible clarity of thought. Henie
Westbrook-Leinwand was the person who first introduced me to social anthropology,
without this fruitful encounter I would have had a very different life. Thank you for
patience, good will and necessary provocations. You all are ‘Doktormuetter’ to me.
I am also grateful to Peter Loizos for being supportive and critical in singularly
appropriate measures. I would like to thank the anthropology staff and students
participating in the Friday afternoon seminars in 1998 and 1999 for their reflection,
criticism, good humour and support. At the LSE, Louise Perrotta provided vital
encouragement early on. Of the many people I was lucky to have studied with, I
would like to thank personally Helen Carey, Catherine Hale, Benjamin Smith,
Tadesse Wolde, Venetia Kantsa, Suman Prinhja, Sigrun Hardardottir, Elizabeth
Ewart and Joy Adapon - for offering challenging thoughts and timely reminders, for
indulging my many hang-ups, ongoing palaver and intermittent paranoia.
In Aberdeen I was lucky to meet Elizabeth Hallam, Keith Hart and Gillian Munro -
thank you for intellectual companionship and sustenance during that time and ever
since. With Vieda Skultans, Agita Luse and Rachael Gooberman-Hill present in
Bristol I could not have wished for better company. Finally, thank you to Joy, Helen,
Ali, Liz, Christian, Kai, Gail, Sigrun, Gillian and Erika for laughter and support
throughout the struggle. Fuer die nieendenwollenden geriatrischen Vitamintabletten,
staendige elterliche Hilfestellung, aufmuntemde Telefonanrufe, etwaige Besuche in
Riga und schwesterliche Liebe moechte ich mich bei Renate, Claudia, Guenter and
Wiebke bedanken.
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INTRODUCTION TO THE THESIS
This thesis deals with a new form of economic involvement between the former
Eastern bloc and Western capitalism. It is an ethnographic investigation into the lives
and studies of a group of Baltic students at a Swedish business school in Riga,
Latvia. As one specific incidence of development aid to the Baltic states, the school
is where the Swedish State and Western corporate interests coincide and where they
cooperate to bring about their vision of economic and social transformations in that
region. The move towards market economy principles has been promoted and
facilitated through the establishment of the school. This thesis addresses the
motivations for setting up this high-profile institution and considers regional
connections around the Baltic Sea rim historically. It examines the way in which the
training is received by the Baltic students who attend it, and it traces their individual
and collective development towards becoming “functionaries” of global capitalism.1
Educational methods, curricular contents, and institutional processes contribute to the
students’ transformation and to their extraordinarily privileged and advantageous
position. The school clearly functions as an important stepping-stone where young
people from an intelligentsia background pass through; they leave with an
internationally accepted credential that strategically places them in the position of
becoming a new Baltic business elite.
The thesis also addresses the unintended outcomes of this project. Despite the stated
aim of ‘developing’ the Baltic economies the school lacks engagement with the local
economic context. Instead, it forges a powerful connection between the students and
transnational companies. Company visits form part of the curriculum and enable
students and transnational companies to get to know one another. This new
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relationship is helped along by corporate sponsorship for the school, special funding
for individual students and a whole array of student activities as well as lavish
functions. This gradual process is further supported through salient spatial
similarities and the emphasis on grooming whereby the students learn to look, talk
and behave like Western business people. However, whilst students become
increasingly attractive to transnational companies, they neither learn to understand
local companies, nor do they engage in the actual issues and problems of the
economic transformations of their national economies. The institution does not act as
a mediator between its students and local businesses.
Given these limitations of the school’s role, it is up to the students themselves to
connect up their new knowledge and experiences of Western business principles with
their home context. This means that they have to be able to translate, adapt and
negotiate their knowledge, ideas and ambitions between divergent realms and
conflicting expectations. Students have to be strategic about passing the entrance
criteria and a continuous stream of exams and they comply with the school’s
requirements, but they do not buy wholesale into all aspects of the school’s methods
and overall vision. They employ mechanisms that seemingly undermine the school’s
goals but which fail to challenge it overtly. They engage in complex forms of
appropriation of the building, develop an extraordinary regional network of students
and graduates. They also build on the superior Western status of the school with
which they become associated and they use their newfound affluence to develop
distinctive collective consumption patterns. By combining Soviet cultural practices
with transnationally inspired hybrid ambitions, they seek to find collective solutions
to the pleasures and predicaments of their newfound privilege. This introductory
chapter provides the background. It explains the choice of fieldwork site, access
arrangements, and how research was conducted as well as the key themes of the
thesis.
1 The term describes those “fully inside and complicit with powerful institutional engines of change.”
(Marcus, 2000, p.2).
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