The politics of memory on the example of Yugonostalgia Anita Dremel, PhD and Andrea Zekić

14 Pages·2015·0.23 MB·English

Bringing the past back to the future: The politics of memory on
the example of Yugonostalgia

Anita Dremel, PhD and Andrea Zekić

Abstract
In this paper our aim is to analyse the contemporary cultural phenomenon of
Yugonostalgia in Croatia with respect to the countervailing positions taken up by
different theorists of nostalgia regarding the present politics of a nostalgic attitude
to the past. In other words, our objective is to study Yugonostalgia in Croatia with
regard to its conservative and restorative versus emancipating and reflective
potentials and effects. We will look into different nostalgic representations of the
past with the sociological interest in the problem of power and the potential to
subvert it, leaning against the method of grounded theory construction rather than
the testing of pre-formulated hypotheses. We will thereby draw from Svetlana
Boym's (2001) concepts of restorative and reflective nostalgia, Dubravka Ugrešić's
notions of terror of forgetting and terror of remembering, and several social theory
contributions regarding nostalgia (e.g. Stauth and Turner, 1988; Frederic Jameson
and Walter Benjamin). We will accentuate that nostalgia is a way of knowing the
world and give a connected critique of deep-structure patriarchy that can be found
under many forms of both Yugonostalgia and its criticism, pointing that way to a
perspective that opens up the possibility to view nostalgia as resonating even if not
manifestly in numerous themes and fields of study in social sciences, culture
theory and humanities.

Key Words: nostalgia, past, Yugonostalgia, Croatia, war, post socialism,
transition.

*****

1. Introduction
This paper analyses the phenomenon of Yugonostalgia in Croatia. The concept
of nostalgia is treated as a collective symptom. Any public mention of
Yugonostalgia in Croatia causes turbulent reactions, because people are torn
between two ideological camps.1 This strong polarization is one of our focal
interests, and we aim to point at its ideological roots stemming from the cultural
heritage of World War II.
Relevant questions thereby are who is nostalgic and what they are nostalgic for,
how this type of nostalgia is manifested and externalized and why it is so present
currently, at times of neoliberal modernization of Eastern Europe.2
Yugonostalgia is nowadays like a wave of the past that floods not only Croatia
but also other former Yugoslav republics. Yugonostalgia as a sociological and
cultural phenomenon implies idealizing of the overall political, economic and
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cultural situation of the former republic and its leader Tito, being thus also called
Titostalgia.3 Despite the fact that many people have positive nostalgic stories about
the past, Yugonostalgia is also often seen as a negative and offensive term.
Yugonostalgia is thus one force within the ideological matrix, participating in the
politics of memory and being a possible agent of both hegemonization and
subversion.
Croatia, since 2013 the 28th member state of the EU, is a sovereign country, still
in certain respects in transition, with a modern market economy.4 At the very
beginning of its formation, Croatia was faced with the consequences of war
devastation and economic, political and social crisis connected with refugees and
displaced persons. The social processes of constructing a democratic republic have
been, especially in the 1990s but still today, characterized by corruption - and the
end of it does not seem to be very near.5 The bloody political transformation
brought challenges connected to the globalization of the post-communist territory
and the development of adequate social policy.6 All this has led to the fact that,
although the war finished 20 years ago, its consequences can still be seen today.
Economic downturn, brain drain, low employment rate, especially of young
people, high level of poverty and displacement of population unfortunately
describe the present situation in Croatia and also in other former Yugoslav
republics.7
Such severe social, economic and political situation can help explain the
appearance of intense nostalgic feelings for the past, but the situation with
nostalgia is far more complex. We aim to look at Yugonostalgia as an attitude to
the past which speaks of the present situation, participating in the struggle for
power in the current Croatian context. To broaden the potential of analysing the
effects nostalgia, we will wonder about its politics, using thereby tentative
concepts of restorative and reflective nostalgia8, notions of terror of forgetting and
terror of remembering9, and several other theoretical concepts problematizing the
politics of memory in the sense of a complex interplay between personal memories
and the desire to retreat from modern life10, and conversely a new utopia or
possible form of subversion11.

2. Definitions and Functions: Theory and Politics of Nostalgia
Nostalgia is primarily defined by an individual’s, group’s, or nation’s relation
to (imaginary) past. We will therefore briefly discuss some common definitions
and functions of nostalgia, focussing on the politics of nostalgia based on concrete
empirical examples from contemporary Croatia, in a qualitative way.
Researchers in diverse disciplines (clinical psychology, psychoanalysis,
consumption research, anthropology, sociology etc.) define nostalgia differently.
Going back to the history of the term, nostalgia was associated with homesickness.
The etymology of the word bears witness to it: it comes from Greek words nostos
(returning home) and algos (pain), and in this meaning there are also different
Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 3
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types and manifestation of nostalgia.12 The earliest definitions thus revolved
around psychological suffering caused by the yearning to return to ones’
homeland13, present in classical texts of antiquity (e.g. in Hippocrates or the
Biblical weeping for Zion by the rivers of Babylon)14, and particularly relevant for
the early academic discourse is a medical dissertation by Swiss physician Johannes
Hofer in 1688 describing the condition of homesickness (heimweh) of Swiss
mercenaries15. In addition to this, nostalgia was conceptualized as both a positive
and a negative feeling, subject to both hot and cold processing16, appearing in
different modes of historical representation as pastiche or a simulacrum17, then in
psychoanalysis as a form of archetypal yearning for the womb, in clinical
psychology as a disease18, as a phenomenon exploited for commercial gain, in
sociology as a form of sentimental yearning for any object (empirically separated
from homesickness alone)19, even allowing for egalitarian and democratizing
aspects of mass culture20, or as a feeling that enables maintenance of identity at
times of big social changes. There is however a big problem with operational
definitions and precise measurements, and accordingly there have been various
types of nostalgia named, from personal and historical21, social22, and real,
simulated, and collective23.
Regarding the functions of nostalgia, many have been enumerated: it provides
the ontological security in the past, but is also a means of taking one‘s bearings for
the road ahead in the uncertainties of the present24, then it helps us recognize a
continuum of identity and social support25, suggesting that nostalgia has a more
prominent role in our time, due to modern societies constant changes, compared to
pre-industrial times26. Nostalgia contained in religious rituals, and generational
nostalgia in the sense of passing on the knowledge of the way of life (including the
fact that we cook similar food, many choose spouses similar to their parents etc.)
have been recognized as well. This is a relevant place for sociology, because
nostalgia seems to be connected with the ways social positions and their micro
culture are reproduced, which links it to the critical theories of social reproduction.
Some researchers have mapped the possible functions into four groups –
nostalgia as a repository of positive feelings, as a booster of self-esteem, as a
means of social connectedness and as a tool utilized in terror management in the
sense of inducing meaning to existential threats, like mortality. The pervasiveness
of nostalgia is striking, 80% of respondents to a study conducted in 2006 reported
that they felt nostalgic at least once every week.27
Let this suffice to conclude that forms and functions of nostalgia are complex
and many and that nostalgia should, in accordance with the performative turn in
social sciences and humanities, be seen through the aspect of use, bringing the
politics of nostalgia to the fore. Nostalgia lacks an absolute definition because its
form is per se of multiple functions. It accommodates progressive feelings of
utopian idealized states as well as melancholic attributes.28
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In order to be able to detect the politics of nostalgia in the Croatian context, we
need to provide at least a brief description of the recent situation regarding
Yugonostalgia.

3. Yugonostalgia in the Croatian Context: The Elderly and the Younger
Nostalgics
Yugonostalgia is among older generations mostly a yearning for the good old
days. Indirectly, this is of course linked to nostalgia for their youth. For them,
Yugoslavia was a time when food and jobs were plentiful, education was free and
accessible to all, crime rate was low, ethnic differences were not significant, there
was tolerance and equality and all the difficult political decisions were left to
marshal Tito. Everyone could afford a car, a house and overseas travels. After the
Homeland War, people found themselves in a new system, feeling lost and
confused, in anomie, because old values and norms were lost and new ones have
not yet established themselves. Finding themselves in a completely new world,
they were left with memories that have a very strong role in terms of creating the
present. In this situation even the unpleasant facts of everyday life become the
object of desire and memory29 – the yards in which pigs were slaughtered,
classrooms with pictures of Tito, celebration of the Youth Day, The day of
Republic etc.30 This kind of bringing the past to the present is very much under
personal illusions of the past, and often people aspire to re-live the experience that
has actually never existed – making this type of simulated memory a sort of utopia
characterized by the tendency to look at things as we think they should be. We can
see here many theoretically detected ideal types of nostalgia, from personal to
social and historical mixing and in interaction.
The elderly and the majority of the Homeland War veterans who lived to see
the independence of their country, ended up disappointed. A good indicator of this
is an over 200-day long demonstration of Croatian war veterans, still going on.
Many people used the war circumstances for semi-legal or illegal money gain, and
the process of privatization was particularly problematic, creating the so called
tycoons who monopolised the market and caused even greater impoverishment of
masses. This has also been a powerful force in the processes of intense social,
economic, and political-ideological polarization of Croatian society in the last
twenty years.
The young are also interested in and fascinated by the culture, symbols, icons
and artefacts of the former Yugoslavia. If this can be called nostalgia, what is it
that the young are nostalgic for when the majority of them were born after
Yugoslavia or in the last decade of its existence, after Tito’s death. They have
formed their views on the basis of narrated memories of their parents, grandparents
and other older members of their families. The sources of narration of this history
can be mutually harmonized or contradicting, but they all participate in the
formation of an individual's view of the past.31 The nostalgics among the young
Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 5
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who have a positive image of Yugoslavia think that the former state ensured
greater social security, health and retirement insurance, that it provided the young
with better employment rate, enabling them sooner emancipation from their
parents. They view Yugoslavia as having been just, stable, safe, and united,
peopled by simple and happy citizens. The young see in the past what they lack in
the present. The ones born in the 1980s are emotionally attached to certain
symbols, and their memory is relatively fresh. They often tend to see even the
things like travelling to Austria to buy good chocolate or to Trieste for a pair of
jeans as a positive experience that children of today lack because they take
everything for granted. A special aspect of Yugonostalgia of the young is their
relationship to Balkans, even its glorification32: they see it as warm, humane,
temperamental, and relaxed, in opposition to cold and overly rationalized Europe.
The Yugonostalgic young see Balkans as ours, domestic, where the time has
stopped or flows at a slower pace. A part of them feel proud to have belonged to
Yugoslavia – a feeling for something lost but not forgotten and materialized
through the discourse of the past.33
In addition to searching for an ideal future through the past, the young who
lived in Yugoslavia report strong attachment to childhood memories. The young
thus do not long for the lost state wishing to actually bring it back, but for the
qualities they attribute to the past, not really knowing if they had existed, but
believing it and knowing that these qualities do not characterize their bleak
present.34 Also, some young people share a certain subculture wishing to fit in, not
knowing what certain symbols represent and without being actually familiar with
the past. Their experience is not authentic, but simulated, taken from the previous
generation's stories and memories. In a way, they choose their nostalgia, and
Yugonostalgia is the most frequently chosen type among the young.35
We can see that types of Yugonostalgia and the functions it serves among
different age groups are complex and many, from personal and historical to social,
simulated and collective. It can thus be seen as a a type of a hidden script of a part
of the population, which is particularly prominent in times of big social changes,
serving as a linking phenomenon and enabling the mourning of what is lost in the
process of accepting the changes.36 It remains to look at the prevailing ideological
manifestations of Yugonostalgia in Croatia or the politics of intense reactions to it.

4. Supporters and Opponents of Yugonostalgia: Ideology-Driven Divisions
Many souvenirs and objects reminding of the past participate in the
construction of identity and the formation of a general ideological view.37
Yugonostalgia has consequently found its expression in the commercial
environment and popular culture.38 A good example is a 2005 song by Serbian
performer Tijana Dapčević called ‘All is the same only he is not here’, where ‘he’
refers to Tito. The song ironically refers to Yugonostalgia through well-known
stereotypes associated with each nation from the former state.39 Postmodern irony
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is no stranger to nostalgia, enabling the nostalgic subject to make a distance from
the object of its yearning.40
Although Yugonostalgia is widely present today, it is rarely ever spoken of
actual reuniting of the states. From this point of view, nostalgia can be a playful
medium of achieving dialogue between the states in the context in which
consequences of war are still harshly felt. After the violent realization of the
independence of Croatia, every nostalgia for the Yugoslav past was met with harsh
animosity by the social mainstream, especially in the 1990s, but also today at times
of revived conservativism. The preferred nostalgia was only for the time before
Yugoslavia, namely the Independent State of Croatia i.e. for the pure Croatian state
and spirit.41
The intense ideological division between Tito's partisans and fascist Ustashas is
a cultural heritage of conflict that has haunted Croatian political, social and cultural
space for the last 70 years. On the one hand, there are many Yugonostalgic songs
and songs by Yugoslav bands popular on the Croatian scene, but there is also
extremely right-wing music, like that of singer Thompson, who glorifies Croatian
nationalism and has a dubious relationship to other national minorities in Croatia,
particularly Serbs.
A notorious example of the widespread hostility to not only Yugonostalgics but
also the very mention of the former state, particularly in the context of something
being good in it, is a media scandal known as ‘The Witches from Rio’42, and
‘Croatian Feminists Raping Croatia’43 - an embarrassing journalistic event in
which five Croatian female writers were accused of treason, which represented the
peak of the media hunting by which Croatian public attempted to settle accounts
with its communist past, using a kind of conspiracy theory as a force in the
processes of national identity construction.44 This type of appeal to tradition can be
seen as restorative nostalgia.45 It stresses the nostos part and attempts a
transhistorical reconstruction of the lost home, presenting itself as absolute truth
and lying at the core of recent national and religious revivals, of the so called great
moving right show.46
The other tentative type of nostalgia is reflective nostalgia.47 It thrives in algos,
delaying the homecoming, usually ironically, having no singular plot, and residing
in details rather than in symbols, cherishing the shattered pieces of memory.
Reflection serves to identify problematic places in the present. Ugrešić in this vein
warns that the culture of lies can be established not only by fear, aroused
national(ist) feelings, hatred, autocracy and the media, but also by terror of
forgetting (when they make you forget what you do not remember) and terror of
remembering (when they make you remember what you do not remember).48
These effects can be seen still today – some good sides of life in Yugoslavia are
forcefully repressed, new textbooks are frequently published, partisan crimes re-
enter the political discourse. The current president refused to join the rest of
political elite in commemorating Jasenovac victims, instead secretely visiting
Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 7
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Bleiburg.49 Two biggest political parties, SDP and HDZ, keep replacing themselves
on the position of power. The newly elected female president of the Republic of
Croatia, Kolinda Grabar Kitarović, a member of right-wing HDZ, caused turbulent
reactions in the public when she removed the bust of Tito from the Presidential
Palace. She claims she wanted to finish once and for all with totalitarian
communism and Tito’s dictatorship, seeing Tito together with her supporters as a
criminal. The immense interest of the public is significant here given the fact that
Tito died in 1980 and that even Franjo Tuđman, the first president of Croatia, did
not remove the bust. There is however the other half of the voters who do not
approve of this kind of action, together with the prime minister, Zoran Milanović
(SDP). The president took care to point out that getting rid of Tito does not imply
the dismissal of antifascist heritage, which again is confusing taking into
consideration that Tito led antifascists. Some see this move as antidemocratic and
propagating nationalism. This all indicates deep ideological divisions among
political elites and the entire divided nation, who keep revolving around mutual
accusations, actually that way moving the focus of attention away from the burning
social and economic issues in Croatia, which none of the sides seems capable of
dealing with.
To conclude, despite literature mainly viewing nostalgia as reactionary and the
opposite of progress, we can see that it is not necessarily antimodern, that it might
even be rebellious, and that it is not always about the past, but about the needs of
the present that directly influence the future. Both Yugonostalgic and anti-
Yugoslav attitude in Croatia are used for concrete political purposes by the most
powerful social groups, each appealing to approximately one half of the
population, serving as strong ideological weapon that enables individuals and/or
groups in power to legitimize their status. It seems that parts of history are
represented as pastiche in different modes and according to certain pre-established
pictures. We should therefore open up for a multiperspective study of nostalgia: in
culture and style, poetic creation, as individual mechanism of survival or a possible
countercultural practice, taking responsibility for our nostalgia, not letting others
prefabricate it for us. Only that way could history of nostalgia allow us to look
back at modern history as a search for not only newness and progress, but also
unrealized possibilities and unpredictable turns.50

Notes

1 Ivan Kovačević, Žarko Trebješanin and Dragana Antonijević, ‘Teorijsko-
pojmovni okvir za proučavanje nostalgije,’ Antropologija 13.3 (2013): 9-26,
viewed on 20 April 2015,
http://www.anthroserbia.org/Content/PDF/Articles/71ca98e5debf4f8080eb2809c50
fc400.pdf; Claire Bancroft, ‘Yugonostalgia: The Pain of the Present,’ Independent
Study Project (ISP) Collection: Paper 787, 2009, Viewed 20 April 2015,
8 Bringing the Past Back to the Future
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http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=isp_coll
ection; Aleksandar Bošković, ‘Yugonostalgia and Yugoslav Cultural Memory:
Lexicon of Yu Mythology,’ Slavic Review 72.1 (2013): 54-78.
2 Mitja Velikonja, ‘Lost in Transition. Nostalgia for Socialism in Post- Socialist
Countries,’ East European Politics & Societies 23.4 (2012): 535-551.
3 Mitja Velikonja, Titostalgia (Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek, Knjižara Krug, 2010);
William Seil, ‘Tito Time: A Nation's Idealized Past: Collective Memory and
Cultural Nostalgia through the Memorialization of Charismatic Leaders,’ Social
Sciences Paper 11 (2010), Viewed on 29 April 2015,
http://commons.pacificu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1011&context=cassoc.
4 Erma Ivoš Nikšić, ‘Hrvatska između rata i tranzicije: jedan pragmtičan pristup,’
Radovi/ Sveučilište u Splitu/ Filozofski fakultet Zadar/Razdio filozofije, psihologije,
sociologije i pedagogije 10 (1993/1994): 89-98; Michel-Andre Horelt and Judith
Renner, ‘Denting a Heroic Picture: A Narrative Analysis of Collective Memory in
Post-War Croatia,’ Perspectives 16.2 (2008): 5-27; Marcel Meler, ‘Marketing in
Transition Conditions: The Example of Croatia.’ Eastern European Economics
35.3 (1997): 66-74.
5 The cost of the war was at least 10.47 billion Deutsche marks, but these are only
direct costs according to the data of the Croatian Ministry of Defence (for wages,
import and production of weapons, refugees); the rest of a minimum of one billion
Deutsche marks was stolen, and crime continued long after the war as well. Cf.
Dražen Rajković, Kako je Ivo Sanader Ukrao Hrvatsku (Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk,
2010).
6 Bob Deacon, Paul Stubbs and Baljit Soroya, ‘Globalizacija, postkomunizam i
socijalna politika: teme u Hrvatskoj,’ Revija za socijalnu politiku 1.4 (1994): 333-
338.
7 Željka Šporer and Duško Sekulić, ‘Political Transformation and Elite Formation
in Croatia,’ European Sociological Review 18.1 (2002): 85-100; Mitja Velikonja,
‘Nostalgic/Patriotic Mythology after Yugoslavia,’ Political Myths in the Former
Yugoslavia and Successor States. A Shared Narrative, ed. Darko Gavrilović and
Vjekoslav Perica (Dordrecht: Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation and
Republic of Letters, 2011), 85-92.
8 Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books, 2001).
9 Dubravka Ugrešić, Kultura laži (Ljubljana: Študentska založba, 2006).
10 Kovačević, ‘Teorijsko-pojmovni okvir,’ 9-26.
11 Nicole Lindstorm, ‘Yugonostalgia: Restorative and Reflective Nostalgia in
Former Yugoslavia.’ East Central Europe/ L'Europe du Centre Est/ Eine
wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift 32.1-2 (2006): 231-242; Georg Stauth and Bryan
S.Turner, ‘Nostalgia, Postmodernism and the Critique of Mass Culture,’ Theory,
Culture & Society 5 (1988): 509-26.
12 Andreas Huyssen, ‘Nostalgia for ruins,’ Grey room 23 (2006): 6-21.
Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 9
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13 Constantine Sedikides, Tim Wildschut and Denise Baden, ‘Nostalgia:
Conceptual Issues and Existential Functions,’ Handbook of Experimental
Existential Psychology, ed. Jeff Greenberg, Sander L. Koole and Tom Pyszczynski
(New York: Guilford Press, 2004), 200-214.
14 Willis H. McCann, ‘Nostalgia: A Review of the Literature,’ Psychological
Bulletin 38 (1941): 165-182.
15 Johannes Hofer, ‘Medical dissertation on nostalgia,’ Bulletin of the History of
Medicine 2 (1934): 376-391.
16 Sedikides, ‘Nostalgia: Conceptual Issues’, 200-214.
17 Fredric Jameson, ‘Nostalgia for the Present,’ Close Reading, ed.Frank
Lentricchia and Andrew Dubois (Durham and London: Duke University Press,
2003), 226-242.
18 Though it cannot be found in the DSM-IV, only maybe in terms of homesickness
associated with separation anxiety.
19 Fred Davis, Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia (New York: Free
Press, 1979).
20 Stauth, 'Nostalgia, Postmodernism', 509-26.
21 Krystine I. Batcho, ‘Personal nostalgia, world view, memory, and emotionality,’
Perceptual Motor Skills 87 (1998): 411-32.
22 Davis, 'Yearning for Yesterday'.
23 Stacey M. Baker and Patricia F. Kennedy, ‘Death by nostalgia: A diagnosis of
context-specific cases,’ Advances in Consumer Research 21 (1994): 169-174.
24 Michael Pickering and Emily Keightley, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia,’ Current
sociology 54.6 (2006): 921.
25 Davis, 'Yearning for Yesterday'.
26 Pickering, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia.’
27 Tim Wildschut, et al. ‘Nostalgia: Content, Triggers, Functions,’ Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology 91 (2006): 975-993.
28 Pickering, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia.’
29 Boris Beck, ‘Žal za Hrvatskom,’ Gordogan – kulturni magazin, 3.6 (2005): 222-
226.
30 Nevena Škrbić Alempijević, ‘Travelling to the Birthplace of “The Greatest Son
of Yugoslav Nations”: The Construction of Kumrovec as a Political Tourism
Destination,’ Yugoslavia's Sunny Side, ed. Hannes Grandits and Karin Taylor
(CEU Press, 2010), 141-170.
31 Tanja Vučković Juroš, ‘Kako nastaju kolektivna sjećanja: promišljanja o
interakcionističkom modelu kolektivnih sjećanja,’ Revija za sociologiju 1 (2010):
79-101.
32 Nicole Lindstrom and Maple Razsa, ‘Balkan is beautiful: Balkan in the political
discourse in Tuđman's Croatia,’ East European Politics and Societies 18.4 (2004):
628-650.
10 Bringing the Past Back to the Future
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33 Lara Pečjak, ‘Jugonostalgija mladih u Sloveniji.’ Tema 2.6 (2005): 62
34 Ibid.
35 Samir Forić, ‘O jugonostalgiji otvoreno,’ Viewed on 25 April 2015,
http://www.pulsdemokratije.ba/sadrzaj/o-jugonostalgiji-otvoreno.
36 Vamik D. Volkan, ‘Nostalgia as a linking phenomenon,’ Journal of applied
psychoanalytic studies 1 (1999): 169-179.
37 Tracey Benson, ‘The souvenir and nostalgia. Museum of the personal,’ (MA
thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2001), viewed on 30 April 2015,
http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16204/1/Tracey_Benson_Thesis.pdf.
38 Catherine Baker, Sounds of Borderland: Popular Music, War, and Nationalism
in Croatia since 1991 (Farnham: Ashgate Press, 2010).
39 Ivica Baković, ‘Jugonostalgija kroz naočale popularne culture,’ Filološki studii
= philological studies= Filologičeskie zametki= Filološke pripombe= Filološke
studije, Skopje: Instiut za makedonska literatura 6.2 (2008): 89-99.
40 Linda Hutcheon, ‘Irony, Nostalgia and the Postmodern,’ viewed on 28 April
2015, http://www.library.utoronto.ca/utel/criticism/hutchinp.html.
41 Baković, 'Jugonostalgija kroz naočale', 89-99.
42 'Vještice iz Ria,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war-
memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria.
43 'Hrvatske feministice siluju Hrvatsku,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015,
http://www.women-war-memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria/39-
hrvatske-feministice-siluju-hrvatsku.
44 Nenad Blanuša, ‘Uloga teorija zavjera u konstrukciji političke zbilje u Hrvatskoj:
analiza političkog iz Ria,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war-
memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria.
44 'Hrvatske feministice siluju Hrvatsku,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015,
http://www.women-war-memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria/39-
hrvatske-feministice-siluju-hrvatsku.
44 Nenad Blanušadiskurza 1980. – 2007. godine’ (PhD diss., Faculty of Political
Sciences, University of Zagreb, 2009).
45 Boym, Future of Nostalgia.
46 Stuart Hall, ‘The Great Moving right Show,’ Marxism Today (January 1979):
14-20.
47 Boym, Future of Nostalgia.
48 Ugrešić, Kultura laži, 92.
49 Ana Kršinić Lozica, ‘Između memorije i zaborava: Jasenovac kao dvostruko
podredovana trauma,’ Radovi instituta za povijest umjetnosti 35 (2011): 297-308;
Ljiljana Radonić, ‘Univerzalizacija holokausta na primjeru hrvatske politike
prošlosti i spomen-područja Jasenovac,’ Suvremene teme 3.1 (2010): 53-61.
50 Boym, Future of Nostalgia.