The multiple dimensions of male social status in an Amazonian society

14 Pages·2008·0.28 MB·English

EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415
☆
The multiple dimensions of male social status in an Amazonian society
⁎
Christopher von Ruedena, , Michael Gurvena, Hillard Kaplanb
aDepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofCalifornia,SantaBarbara,CA93106,USA
bDepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofNewMexico,Albuquerque,NM87131,USA
Initialreceipt7January2008;finalrevisionreceived2May2008
Abstract
While social-status hierarchies are common to all human societies, status acquisition is relatively understudied in small-scale societies
lacking significant material wealth or intergenerational inheritance. Among the Tsimane of Bolivia, a small-scale Amazonian society, we
employaphoto-rankingmethodologytodeterminetheimportantpredictorsoffourmeasuresofmalesocialstatus:successindyadicphysical
confrontation,gettingone'swayinagroup,community-wideinfluence,andrespect.Thepredictorsevaluatedincludeage,physicalsize,skill
infoodproduction,levelofacculturation,prosocialpersonality,andsocialsupport.Wefindthatphysicalsizebestpredictsrankingsofdyadic
fighting ability while social support best predicts getting one's way in a group, community-wide influence, and respect. Level of
acculturation,furthermore,isanindependentpredictorofinfluencebutnotrespect,andskillinfoodproductionisanindependentpredictorof
respectbutnotinfluence.Thelackofalinearrelationshipbetweenageandthepolyadicsocial-statusmeasuresisevaluatedinlightofthe
increasingexposureoftheTsimanetomarketeconomiesandpubliceducationamongrecentagecohorts.Toourknowledge,thisstudyisthe
first multivariate analysis of socialstatus that considers different determinants of statussimultaneously.
© 2008Elsevier Inc.All rights reserved.
Keywords: Socialstatus;Stratification;Hierarchy;Acculturation;Forager-Horticulturalists;Tsimane
1. Introduction consumemoreresources,getthebestpickofmates,andtakea
more central role in group decision making (Boehm, 1999;
“Behaviour that's admired is the path to power among Trigger, 1985; Wiessner, 1996). Whether implicit or overt,
peopleeverywhere.” classification by social status is a human universal. While
-Beowulf, a new verse translation by Seamus Heaney womenaswellasmencompeteforstatus(Campbell,2002;
(2000,p.5) Hess & Hagen, 2006; Hrdy, 1999; Rucas et al., 2006), this
articlefocusesexclusivelyonmale-statushierarchies.
In all human societies, individuals differ in social status Socialstatuscanbedefinedasrelativeaccesstoresources
dependingupontheirageandpersonalability(Sahlins,1958; withinasocialgroup(Henrich&Gil-White,2001).Apriority
Service,1971).Inlaboratory-basedsmallgroupstudies,status of resource access is granted to high-status individuals, we
hierarchies emerge spontaneously (Bass, 1954; Campbell et argue,duetoagroup-wideperceptionthattheseindividuals
al.,2002;Kalma,1991).Evenamong“egalitarian”foragers, haveagreaterrelativeabilitytoinflictcosts(i.e.,dominance)
who are characterized by widespread resource sharing or confer benefits(i.e., prestige) on others. Group members
(Kaplan & Gurven, 2005; Winterhalder, 1986) and some acquiesce to higher-status individuals because they believe
degreeofstatusleveling(Cashdan,1980),certainindividuals they will avoid harm or gain some benefit from their
deference. Status hierarchies, therefore, are not necessarily
pure zero-sum arrangements. In part, status hierarchies
☆ FundingforTsimaneresearchwasprovidedbygrantsfromtheNational represent agreements, maintained by deference signals, to
Science Foundation (#BCS-0136274 and BCS-0422690) and National
facilitate exchange or to avoid costs of repeated contest
InstitutesofHealth/NationalInstituteonAging(#1R01AG024119-01).
⁎ competition, as modeled by the war of attrition (Maynard
Correspondingauthor.
E-mailaddress:[email protected](C.vonRueden). Smith&Price,1973).
1090-5138/$–seefrontmatter©2008ElsevierInc.Allrightsreserved.
doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2008.05.001
C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415 403
Statushierarchiesarenotstatic,however.Ifanindividual therewardsofpursuitmaybedelayedandvarywiththeform
becomeslessdependentupontheservicesofparticularhigh- ofstatusacquired.
statusgroupmembers,thatindividualisperhapsmorelikely This study explores male-status hierarchies among the
to challenge power inequities between them (Emerson, Tsimane forager-horticulturalists of Bolivia. Since status is
1962). Acquiescence to those of high status may also vary mostpalpableinthecontextofcontestcompetition,wetreat
with subordinates' ability to migrate and their degree of the following measures as manifestations of social status
relatedness with high-status individuals (Vehrencamp, among Tsimane adult males: (a) success in dyadic physical
1983). Subordinates can also form coalitions against confrontation, (b) getting one's way in the context of a
higher-status individuals. In many traditional human socie- conflictwithinagroup,and(c)influenceinthecontextofa
ties, exploitive leaders are often ridiculed, ostracized, or community-wide dispute. We also investigate (d) respect
killed (Boehm,1999). because this term is cross-culturally associated with social
Amongnonhumanprimates,malesocialstatusisinlarge status. These four measures of social status were chosen
part tantamount to the ability to inflict costs; physically because they represent distinct assemblages of social costs
dominant individuals usurp or maintain priority access to and benefits within small-scale societies, assay relative
foodandmates(Boeschetal.,2006;Cowlishaw&Dunbar, resource access at different social scales, and lend them-
1991; de Waal, 2000). While alliances can be important selvestoempiricalevaluationandcross-culturalcomparison.
among nonhuman primates, they are largely to support the None of these measures should be considered equivalent to
aboveusesofdominance(deWaal,2000;Duffyetal.,2007; dominance or prestige; in all likelihood, each of the status
Nishida & Hosaka, 1996). Among humans, however, the measureswillreflectelementsofboth.Furthermore,ourfour
cooperative sharing of food, information, labor, and other measures are not meant to be exhaustive of the range of
resources is extensive (Kaplan & Gurven, 2005). Priority social status among the Tsimane.
access to resources is only sometimes obtained through While prior ethnographies have demonstrated a link
dominance and is often mediated by voluntary transfers of betweenoneparticulartraitandsocialstatus(e.g.,Stearman,
inalienable commodities. Henrich and Gil-White (2001) 1989), this study employs a multivariate approach to
contrastdominancewithprestige,whichtheydescribeasthe compare several traits as predictors of status in different
deferencethataccruestoindividualswhopossessortransmit social domains. If the predictors of one of our four status
publicly esteemed skills. Their discussion of prestige, measures differfrom those of the other statusmeasures, we
however, is narrower than the potential range of non- could conclude that status hierarchies among Tsimane are
agonisticsocialstatus.Forexample,amanmayachievehigh multidimensional.Thepredictorsofmalestatusweevaluate
status in the market for mates by offering “good genes” or includeage,physicalsize(e.g.,flexedbicepcircumference),
materialgoodsinexchangeforsexualaccess,orhemaygain skill in food production (e.g., hunting ability), level of
status in the market for influence by offering physical acculturation (e.g., Spanish fluency), prosocial personality
strength or coordinative leadership topotential allies. traits (e.g., generosity in meat sharing), and social support
Since humans have lived in hunter-gatherer societies for (e.g.,numberofallies).Toquantifythesevariablesaswellas
themajorityoftheirexistence,modernforagercommunities thesocial-statusmeasures,asampleofTsimanemenphoto-
canhelpelucidatetheselectiveforcesresponsibleforhuman rankedtheirfellowvillagers.Wehypothesizedthatbodysize
males' status-seeking behavior. Forager societies typically wouldbestpredictwinningadyadicphysicalfightwhilethe
lack major wealth accumulation or formal political or legal otherpredictorsofstatus,especiallyratingsofsocialsupport,
institutions (Kelly, 1995). As a result, physical dominance would better predict the other social-status measures that
may play a principal role in acquiring male status across involve n-personinteractions.
socialdomains.Amongforagerswhopracticesomedegreeof The organization of this article is as follows: Section 2
horticulture and who engage in intergroup raiding, warrior- discusses the socioecology of the Tsimane to further
ship is a primary avenue to community-wide influence motivate our choice of the four status measures; Section 3
(Yanomami:Chagnon,1988;Achuar:Patton,2000;Waorani: presentsourhypothesesconcerningthepredictorsofthefour
Robarchek & Robarchek, 1998). On the other hand, status social-status measures; Section 4 describes our methods;
acquisition in forager societies has also been linked to Section5presentsourresults;Section6interpretstheresults
attributes like hunting ability (Tsimane: Gurven & von anddescribesthestatuscharacteristicsoftworecentTsimane
Rueden,2006;Ache:Kaplan&Hill,1985;Hadza:Marlowe, leaders; andSection 7 concludes.
2000; Mbuti: Turnbull, 1965) and generosity (Achuar:
Patton,2005;Yuqui:Stearman, 1989).Itisunclearwhether
male-status hierarchies in forager societies are truly multi- 2. The socioecology of the Tsimane of Bolivia
dimensional:dotraitspredictiveofdyadicdisputeoutcomes,
for example, contrast or even trade off with those traits The Tsimane inhabit areas of lowland Bolivia along the
predictive of polyadic influence? Understanding the pursuit Maniqui River and in adjacent forests. While families may
of status in different social contexts is crucial precisely spend weeks or months on hunting or field cultivation trips
becausetheadaptivenessofthispursuitisoftenunclearand away from settled villages, the Tsimane are semisedentary
404 C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415
andliveincommunitiesrangingfrom30to500individuals. Tsimane entrepreneurs operate small businesses where they
Most food the Tsimane consume derives from horticulture, purchase goods in San Borja and then resell them to other
fishing, hunting, and gathering activities. They cultivate villagemembers.ManyTsimanevillagesnowhaveaccessto
plantains,rice,corn,andsweetmaniocinsmallswiddensand public schooling for their children. One of the more
regularlyfishandhuntformeat.Polygynyisrare,thoughit acculturated Tsimane villages, Ton'tumsi, was the location
does occur at low frequencies (∼10%) in more remote ofthisstudy.Ton'tumsiisoneofthelargestTsimanevillages
communities. While exclusive priority of access for indivi- and is about a 2-h drive, via logging road and highway, to
duals or small groups to certain rights and resources is SanBorja.Dataarenotavailableatpresenttocomparestatus
minimal, land close to village centers is de facto privately hierarchies in Ton'tumsi with status hierarchies in less
owned.Disputesoverlandaccessforhorticultural purposes acculturated Tsimane villages. Nevertheless, the process of
are common, especially between neighboring families. acculturation is mosaic, and individuals in Ton'tumsi vary
Successingroupconflicts—oneofourfourstatusvariables greatly in education and income. Among the Tsimane in
—isinlargepartameasureofsuccessininterfamilycompe- general, the mean levels of wealth inequality are relatively
titionforlandorotherresources. high for a small-scale society (Godoy et al., 2004). As
The Tsimane are particularly relevant to the study of traditional societies everywhere change under the forces of
statushierarchiesbecausetheylackintergroupwarfare;they globalization, it is imperative to better understand how
offeravaluablecomparisontoothersmall-scalesubsistence increases in private wealth within a society shape human
societiesinlowlandSouthAmerica,suchastheYanomamo social motivations.
(Chagnon, 1988), for whom physical dominance and
warriorship beget community-wide influence. Tsimane
society is not pacifist, however. Violence between adult 3. Hypotheses
males is not uncommon, typically in the form of dyadic
fights resulting from sexual jealousy, theft, or stinginess. The type of disputes particular to the dyad, group, and
Dispute resolution is typically left to the parties directly community will affect which variables best predict social
involved or, on rarer occasions, adjudicated by an informal status in those contexts. Among the Tsimane, dyadic fights
gathering of adult men. We include success in dyadic often involve alcohol and are usually motivated by
physicalconfrontationas one ofour status measures. accusations of theft, stinginess, or sexual jealousy. Size
For much of Tsimane history, older adult males and and strength are primary determinants of successful fight
shamans (cocojsi) wielded the most community-wide outcomes (Archer, 1988), and flexed bicep circumference
influenceas a result oftheirability tocommune with forest among U.S. college students was recently found to predict
spirits and ancestors (Daillant,1994). Shamans have all but lifting strength and self-reported success in conflicts (Sell,
disappearedamongtheTsimane,dueinparttotheinfluence 2005). Although resource holding potential, in addition to
of Catholic and evangelical missionaries. In the late 20th motivation, determines specific dyadic contest outcomes,
century, regional political pressure led to the establishment context-dependent motivation does not influence dyadic
of elected village leaders (corregidores). These leaders are relationships relative to fighting ability over the long term
principally representatives to outside political bodies, and (Lewis, 2002). With respect to rankings of fighting ability,
theygenerallyhaveshorttenureandlittlecoerciveauthority we anticipate that physical-size measures, such as flexed
within their villages. Community-wide meetings are com- bicep circumference, chest circumference, height, and
mon in Tsimane villages; they often concern disputes over weight, predict winning dyadic fights better than any other
thesaleofcommunitylumberorparticipationingovernment variables.Wesuspectthatbicepandchestcircumferencewill
or NGO-sponsored development projects. Influence within bestrongerdeterminantsoffightingabilitythanheightsince
the context of community-wide disputes, the third of our tall,skinnymenmaybelesslikelytowinafightthanshort,
statusmeasures,willoftenaccruetotheindividualswhoare brawny men.
most persuasive during community meetings. Elected Group conflicts in Ton'tumsi often involve two or more
leaders are not necessarily the most influential individuals familiescompetingoverlandorotherresources,ortheymay
intheirvillages,noraretheynecessarilythemostrespected. be the progressive fallout from prior dyadic conflicts. The
Respectismoreopaqueinitsmeaningthanourotherstatus typical numbers of individuals involved remain small
measuresbutisusedbytheTsimanetodescribeindividuals enough that physical size should still play a role in group
worthyof admiration. conflictoutcomes,butsocialsupportasaresultofallieswill
TheTsimaneareundergoingrapidacculturation,whichis become important as well. Allies may be family members,
potentially placing premiums on market-related skills and friends,orexchangepartners,includingthosewhoexchange
private wealth in addition to more traditional correlates of deferenceforaccesstotheknowledgeandwealthofothers.
social status. In Tsimane villages, especially those located Among the Xavante of Brazil, men's status stems from the
near the town of San Borja (population ∼14,000), incipient in-group social support engendered from one's athleticism,
cattle ownership, wage labor with loggers and farmers, and oratory skill, hunting ability, sense of humor, and other
produce sales to local markets are on the rise. Several attributes(Maybury-Lewis,1974).FortheKayapoofBrazil,
C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415 405
socialstatushingesonaccesstoexoticwealthitemsthrough and conspicuous leisure items like watches and radios
extra-group social contacts (Werner, 1981). Among the (Godoy et al., 2006).
HadzaofTanzania,amancanclaimpoliticalauthority,albeit Prosocial personality traits should predict influence
limited, if he has contacts with outsiders and their trade independently of one's level of acculturation. Certain
goods(Woodburn, 1979). traits, such as trustworthiness, may confer influence from
Kinshipinsmall-scalesocietiesisofparticularimportance their direct benefits to others while other personality traits,
ingeneratingsocialsupport.Efemenformaffiliativebonds such as sense of humor, may confer influence more from
withconsanguinealmalekintogeneratealliesinthefaceof their signaling of fitness or intelligence (Miller, 1999).
competitive social situations (Bailey & Aunger, 1989). Among the Tsimane, work ethic is often described as a
Yanomamo men with larger intravillage kinship networks valued trait in a man because it indicates long-term,
aremorelikelytobepolygynousandhighstatus(Chagnon, intrinsic motivation to provide for one's family and to
1988). Marriage is a common strategy for constructing engage in collective action for the sake of the community.
alliances. Hughes (1988) documents several ethnographic In Ton'tumsi, men occasionally assemble to clear com-
examples,includingtheNuerofSudanandtheTodaofSouth munity trails and their soccer field or to engage in co-
India,wherehigh-statusmenareindividualsonwhomboth operative fishing.
affinal and consanguineal relatedness are concentrated. Generosity is likely to vary as a source of influence
Among the Coast Salish of the Pacific Northwest, social depending upon local resource availability, the level of
status was associated with intervillage connections, estab- group-wide sharing, and the opportunity to recruit and
lishedthroughmarriage(Elmendorf,1971).FortheTsimane, maintain political allies through gift giving (Patton, 2005).
interactionwithclosekinconsumesalargepartofmen'stime Thecostlysignalingofcooperativeintentthroughgenerous
spentinleisureandresource-productionactivities.Marriage donationsoffood,money,andservicesmaybeanimportant
oftenoccursbetweencross-cousins,butmanymenwillmove means of being recognized as a valuable potential social
todistantcommunitiestomarrywiveswithwhomtheyhave partnerorally(Frank,1988;Gintisetal.,2001;Gurvenetal.,
nopriorkinrelation. 2000).ThepotlatchofthePacificNorthwest(Barnett,1938)
Physical size is unlikely to be an important predictor of andmokaofhighlandNewGuinea(Strathern,1971)enabled
community-wideinfluenceinTon'tumsi,especiallysincethe chiefsandbigmentoflaunttheirmaterialandsocialcapital
ability to marshal allies in a conflict, that is, “derived through grandiose displays of generosity. Among the
dominance”(Hand,1986),islikelytotrump“intrinsic,”size- Gitksan, individuals would move to new households after
based dominance in most polyadic contexts. However, potlatches where they felt their leader was not as generous,
heightandmusclemassmayalsoindicatehealth,attractive- hence powerful, as others (Adams, 1973). Among Amazo-
ness, athletic performance, and resource production, which nian societies such as the Yuqui (Stearman, 1989) and the
willallincreasethevalueofanindividualtopotentialmates Achuar (Patton, 2005), meat sharing is predictive of social
or coalition partners. A meta-analysis revealed that 97% of status.AmongtheTsimane,sharingisgenerallyrestrictedto
applicable studies found significant, positive relationships closekininextendedfamilyhouseholdclusters;intrafamily
between height and socioeconomic status in urban nation- generositymaythereforehavelessrelevanceasagroup-wide
states (Ellis, 1994). Case and Paxson (2006) suggested that predictor of influence than less frequent acts of extra-
the cross-cultural relationship between height and socio- householdexchange.
economic status may be driven by cognitive performance. Weanticipatethatsocialsupportwillmediatemuchofthe
Betternutritionleadstobothtallnessandintelligence,andit effects of the size, acculturation, and personality variables
isthelatterthatproducessocioeconomicsuccess.Cognitive upon community-wide influence. People seek social proxi-
performance tests, however, were not administered to the mity to the strong, skilled, wealthy, or generous because of
Tsimane forthis study. the knowledge or material goods they might acquire
In Ton'tumsi, community-wide dilemmas have, in the (Henrich & Gil-White, 2001) and because of the indirect
past, concerned allocation of government benefits, sale of social value of association with powerful individuals. In
community lumber, internal conflicts and those with exchangeforsocialproximitytohigh-statusgroupmembers,
colonistsorotherexploiters,andparticipationincommunity individuals offer their deference and support. Since many
development and anthropological projects. These commu- conflictsarewithkin(BorgerhoffMulder,2007),thenumber
nity debates often require interaction with Bolivian ofone'salliesmaybeabetter indicatorofsocialsupportin
nationals, and thus, literacy, Spanish fluency, experience conflicts than thesize ofone's kinnetwork.
working with loggers or ranchers, and familiarity with the WealsoinvestigatetheTsimaneunderstandingofrespect
market town of San Borja are of particular importance to sincethetermiscommonlyviewedbytheTsimaneandother
community-wide influence. Tsimane men demonstrate their culturesassynonymouswithsocialstatus.Respectwillvary
market acumen, in part, through the conspicuous consump- cross-culturally in meaning, but here, we posit that being
tion of market goods. A recent study among the Tsimane respected connotes other people's acknowledgment of an
foundthatthosemenwhoearnmoremoneydevoteagreater individual'ssocialstatus:hisorherrelativeabilitytoinflict
percentage of their income to the purchase of prestigious costsorconferbenefitsonothers.However,respectislikely
406 C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415
more than mere acknowledgment of social status. Exploita- afterwards asmen physically senesce(Gurven etal.,2006).
tion of others is likely to erode how well one is respected. About 40% of Tsimane men survive to age 60 and beyond
Iftheexerciseofpowerbythoseofhighstatusisillegitimate (Gurven et al., 2007); these individuals are not as likely to
or unjustified in the eyes of the community, then respect is winadyadicfightorgettheirwayinagroupasareyounger,
lost.Theperceivedlegitimacyofsocialstatusiscrucialtoits stronger individuals. Older individuals, however, may rank
maintenance and expansion, particularly social status highly in community influence since they are likely to be
generated via social alliances. Bass (1981) found that soughtafterforadvice,thatis,wisdom,andhavemoresocial
legitimateuseofpowerwillincreaseacceptanceofdemands supportintheformofdirectdescendants.Wisdomhasbeen
made by high-status individuals. Blau (1964) describes the defined as a high level of contextual and procedural
processofpowerlegitimation:(a)powerfulindividualswho knowledge regarding life's problems and an ability to
are viewed as magnanimous and fair (b) receive the formulate appropriate judgments in the face of uncertainty
collective approval (i.e., respect) of group members, which (Baltes&Smith,1990).Withincreasingage,influencemay
(c) leads to social norms compelling compliance. Whether plateauorshow diminishing returns ratherthan decline. On
the result of formal laws or informal norms, legitimacy is the other hand, older males have had limited access to
bestviewedasaconstraintonortargetofsocialstatusrather market-related skills, which are likely an increasingly
than asa form of status itself. importantpredictor ofinfluenceinTon'tumsi. Themajority
InTon'tumsi,severalaggressive,dominantmenareprone of schools in Tsimane villages have existed for less than
todrunkenbrawlsandspousalabuse.Anecdotally,thesemen 30years, and hence, individuals currently above age 50 are
areviewedunfavorablybyothers.Personalgainbasedsolely less likely to be literate or to speak Spanish. Maxwell and
on violence or the threat of violence is, in most cultures, Silverman (1970) conjecture that rapid institutional change,
consideredillegitimate(Harsanyi,1966;Riches,1986).While leadingtoinformationobsolescence,translatesintoreduced
theabilitytowinaphysicalfightdoesnotguaranteerespect, prestige for the elderly. We anticipate that the social-status
neither does polyadic influence. The more educated and measures will increase with age until the 40s and decline
materiallywealthymenofTon'tumsiareknowntomanipulate thereafter;the ability to win a dyadic fight should show the
community discussions and decision making to their advan- strongest quadraticrelationship with age.
tage.Thosewithlesseducationormarketacumenoftenresent
theinfluenceoftheirmoreacculturatedpeers.Peoplearemore
wary of what they do not understand. Thus, respect is less 4. Methods
likely to accrue to men who excel in novel, market-related
4.1. Photo-ranking
skillsthantomenwhoexcelinmoretraditionalskills,suchas
horticulturalknowledgeorhuntingability. Allanalysesareoftheentireadultmalepopulationfrom
Hunting prowess is the archetypal male skill among one of the more acculturated Tsimane villages, Ton'tumsi.
foragers and correlates positively with social status almost There were 57 adult men over 18 years old among a total
everywherethe relationshiphas beentested(Gurven& von village population of approximately 300 individuals. At the
Rueden,2006; Smith,2004;Wiessner,1996).Oratoryskill, timeofdatacollection,only8ofthe57menwereunmarried
expert tool manufacture, skill in warfare, and shamanic andno one had more than onewife.
knowledgeareothervalued,traditionalskillsinAmazonian To generate rankings of our status measures and their
small-scale societies, though the latter two skills are predictors, we asked Tsimane males to photo-rank other
currently of low importance among the Tsimane. Tool males in their community. Status hierarchies are less
manufacture is probably of decreasing importance in determined by the actual distribution of status within a
Ton'tumsi since much of the resource-production techno- community than by people's perceptions of its distribu-
logy, including rifles and cooking pots, is purchased in San tion. We believe that this justifies the measurement of
Borjaorfromtravelingmerchants.However,manymenstill status in this study as the quantified rankings by Tsimane
huntandfishwith bowsandarrows andtravelinself-made raters of other community members' social standing.
wooden canoes. Furthermore, subjective impressions are based on years of
Cross-culturally,olderindividuals aretypicallyofhigher interpersonal relationships and, thus, are probably better
statusbecausetheyhavehadmoretimetoaccrueknowledge, metrics of personal attributes than researchers' observa-
skill,wealth,orsocialsupport.Inmostsmall-scalesocieties, tions. Observation and subjective impression do tend to
older men (but not necessarily the oldest men) exercise the correlate, however. Among the Ache, there is a strong
greatest social power and receive the most deference positive correlation between a hunter's actual meat returns
(Silverman & Maxwell, 1978; Simmons, 1945). Given the and his ranking of hunting success by other Ache (Hill &
strengthrequirementsofmanystatus-relatedactivities,such Hurtado, 1996). Among the Shuar, one's work effort as
as dyadic contest competition, age may not linearly predict perceived by others is highly correlated with actual work
thesocial-statusmeasures.Strengthinmaleforagerstendsto effort (Price, 2006).
peak in the 20s (Walker et al., 2002). Among the Tsimane, Arandomsampleof29Tsimaneadultmaleswasusedas
hunting kill rate does not peak until age 40 but declines raters of their fellow villagers. The raters represented most
C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415 407
ages and all extended families within Ton'tumsi. Status 4.2. Interviews and anthropometrics
rankings of the men in Ton'tumsi by two individuals not
Alldemographicdatausedtoageindividualsanddescribe
pickedasratersindicatedthattheratersamplewasnotbiased
kinship relations come from extensive reproductive history
towardslowerorhighersocialstanding.Irrespectiveofthese
interviews done byM.G. during2002–2004.Foradescrip-
precautions, no evidence that raters overestimated the
tionofmethods,seeGurvenetal.(2007).Demographicdata
qualitiesoffamilymemberswasfound.Sonsactuallytended
inTon'tumsiwereupdatedduringthe2005fieldseasonwhen
torate theirfathersbelow theirfathers' average scores!
the photo-ranking took place. The demographic data allow
The raters answered “yes” or “no” to questions concern-
calculation of each male's degree centrality within the
ing the presence or absence of a trait for other men in
kinship network of Ton'tumsi. This measure is the total
Ton'tumsi. These traits are hunting ability, being a hard
number of households in Ton'tumsi in which a man or his
worker, being funny, keeping promises, trustworthiness,
wifecanclaimafullsibling,parent,oroffspring.Weassumed
generosity in meat sharing, generosity in lending money,
100% paternity certainty. Our kinship measure purposely
giving good advice, and how often visited. These variables
conflates affinal and consanguineal kin in light of Hughes
werechosenfromthetheoreticaldiscussionabove,personal
(1988),whofindsthatleadersinsmall-scalesocietiespossess
intuition, and ethnographic experience as a result of focus
both high consanguineal and high affinal relatedness with
group interviews with several Tsimane men and women
othergroupmembers.
concerningwhattheyconsiderimportanttraitsinadultmen.
Data on commerce income (i.e., sales of horticultural
Twenty-eightoftheraterseachevaluatedphotographsof16
produce) and wage labor income were collected over the
other men in the village, and 1 randomly selected rater
summer and fall of 2005 through weekly interviews of
evaluated photographs of only 8 other men in the village.
Ton'tumsi households. Flexed bicep circumference (of the
Since the photographs were counterbalanced using a block
dominant arm), chest circumference, height, literacy,
design, this rating procedure ensured that the 57 men's
Spanish fluency, and highest completed school level were
photographswereevaluatedeighttimesforeverytrait,each
also recorded for each adult male in the sample. A tape
of the eight times by a different rater. A subject's score on
measure was used for bicep and chest circumference, while
thesemeasuresrangesfrom0to8andindicatesthenumber
height was recorded with a Seca 214 Portable Stadiometer.
ofraterswho answered “yes”tothe question.
Literacy was determined by the ability to read a
For fighting ability, whether the individual gets his way
standardized sentence in Tsimane; the men were recorded
in a group dispute, level of influence in the community,
as unable to read, able to read poorly, or able to read well.
whether the individual is well respected, and whether the
Each man was questioned about his Spanish fluency and
individual is likely to have more allies in the event of a
could indicate no knowledge of Spanish, minimal know-
conflict, a different rating procedure was employed. For
ledge, or fluency.
each of these traits, a rater was shown an array of eight
photographs of Tsimane men and asked to rank them from
4.3. Data analysis
highest to lowest, with a score of 8 assigned to the man
ranked highest by the rater and 1 to the lowest. Twenty- Since we can analyze more than 20 predictors of status
eight of the raters evaluated two arrays of photographs per but our sample size is limited to the 57 adult men in
question, while one randomly selected rater evaluated one Ton'tumsi, factor analysis was employed to improve the
array of photographs per question. A block design was subjects-to-variables ratio (Costello & Osborne, 2005). We
employed so that no two subjects appeared together in the used a maximum likelihood factor extraction, which allows
same array more than once. Thus, each of the 57 men goodness-of-fit tests, and an oblimin factor rotation, which
was ranked eight times by eight different evaluators, simplifiesthefactorstructuresuchthatvariablesloadhighly
yielding a range in scores from 8 (lowest) to 64 (highest). ononefactorandlessonothers.Wechoseanobliquefactor
Fighting ability was ranked last so as not to bias a rater's rotation methodsince orthogonal rotation methods generate
previous rankings. uncorrelated factors, resulting in a loss of valuable
In general, the raters found the photo-ranking highly information if the factors are indeed correlated. Of the
engaging and intuitive. Each rater photo-ranked his peers predictor variables analyzed, five contained nonsystematic
with no one else present but C.V.R. The raters were made missing values, which were replaced with the sample
aware of the confidentiality of their individual rankings. means. To reduce our errors of inference due to small
PhotoswerePolaroidsofthetop-halfofeachman'sbody,set sample size, we divided our predictor variables into two
against as neutral a background as possible. All photo- smaller groups before performing a factor analysis on each
rankedmeasuresweretranslatedintoTsimanefromSpanish group. The first group, the “size and skills” variables,
and then, as a test of the accuracy of translation, back- yielded three factors: a physical-size factor [on which, the
translated into Spanish by Tsimane men from outside the following were loaded: (a) bicep circumference, (b) chest
community of Ton'tumsi. All interviews of the raters were circumference, (c) height, and (d) weight], a food-produc-
conducted in Tsimane. For definitions of the photo-ranked tion factor [on which, the following were loaded: (a)
measures, seeAppendix1 in theSupplementary Material. hunting ability, (b) hardworking, and (c) commerce
408 C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415
Table1
Standardizedβvaluesfrommultipleregressionanalysisofthesocial-statusmeasures(n=57)
Winsdyadicfights Getswayingroup Communityinfluence Respect Socialsupporta
Age .972⁎ .305 .199 −.716 .860
Age2 −1.049⁎⁎ −.221 −.026 .882 −.601
Physicalsizeb .536⁎⁎⁎ .285⁎⁎ .093 .027 .269⁎⁎
Foodproductionb .046 −.065 .102 .360⁎⁎ .112
Acculturatedb .196 .010 .301⁎⁎ .056 .546⁎⁎⁎
Prosocialpersonalityb −.093 −.013 .069 .159 .263⁎⁎
Socialsupportb .265⁎⁎ .468⁎⁎⁎ .628⁎⁎⁎ .400⁎⁎ -
AdjustedR2 .711 .351 .762 .388 .517
⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎⁎
F(7,49) 20.656 5.323 26.585 6.071 10.989
a Initiallyapredictorvariablebutsubsequentlyanalyzedasadependentvariableduetoitsstrongrelationshipwiththeothersocial-statusmeasures.
b Predictorsderivedfromfactoranalysis(seeSection 4).
⁎ pb.10.
⁎⁎ pb.05.
⁎⁎⁎ pb.01.
income], and an acculturation factor [on which, the Supplementary Material). Additionally, height produces a
following were loaded: (a) literacy, (b) Spanish fluency, smaller bivariate correlation with success in dyadic fights
(c) education level, and (d) wage labor income]. The size (r=.571, n=53, pb.001) than does bicep circumference
factor captured 26% of the variance in the data, the food- (r=.715, n=57, pb.001), chest circumference (r=.595,
production factor captured 31% of the variance, and the n=57,pb.001),orweight(r=.779,n=53,pb.001).
acculturation factor captured 11% of the variance. The Thesocial-supportfactorisalsoasignificantpredictorof
factor extraction fit the data well [χ2(25)=17.906, p=.846]. winningdyadicfights.Marginallysignificantaretheageand
The second group of predictors, the “social” variables, age2 terms. The food-production, acculturation, and proso-
yielded two factors: a prosocial personality factor [on cialpersonalityfactorsdonotindependentlypredictwinning
which, the following were loaded: (a) keeps promises, (b) dyadic fights inthe regression model.
trustworthy, (c) gives good advice, (d) lends money, (e)
generouslysharesmeat,(f)funny,and(g)visitedoften]and 5.2. Getting one's way in a group
a social-support factor [on which, the following were
Theregressionmodelissignificantandexplains35.1%of
loaded:(a)numberofalliesand(b)kinnetworkcentrality].
thevarianceingettingone'swayinagroup.Socialsupport
The prosocial personality factor captured 52% of the
is the strongest predictor of getting one's way in a group,
variance in the data, and the social-support factor captured
thoughphysicalsizeisalsosignificant.Neithertheageterms
13% of the variance. The factor extraction fit the data well
nor the other status-predictor factors even marginally
[χ2(19)=19.114, p=.450]. See Appendix 2 in the Supple-
approachsignificance.
mentary Material for the rotated factor loadings.
To determine the best predictors of status in Ton'tumsi,
5.3. Community-wide influence
we linearly regressed our five factors on the four status
measures: (a) winning a dyadic fight, (b) gets his way in a Theregressionmodelissignificantandexplains76.2%of
group, (c) community-wide influence, and (d) being res- the variance in community-wide influence. The physical-
pected. To each least-squares regression model, we added size, food-production, and prosocial personality factors or
age and age2 as controls. See Table 1 for the regression the age and age2 terms did not independently predict
results. Standardized β values are reported for ease of influenceintheregressionmodel.Therelationshipbetween
comparison of the strength of each factor in predicting the social support and influence is the strongest of all the
statusmeasure. regressionresultsinthisstudy.Thenumberofone'salliesis
probablyagreatercontributortoinfluence(aswellastothe
otherstatus measures)than isnumberofclosekin.Number
5. Results of allies alone explains 40% of the variance in winning a
dyadic fight, 28% of the variance in getting one's way in a
5.1. Success in dyadic physical confrontation
group, 78% of the variance in community influence, and
Theregressionmodelissignificantandexplains71.1%of 43%ofthevarianceinrespect(adjustedR2values).Number
the variance in winning dyadic fights. As anticipated, the of allies, furthermore, loads more heavily on the social-
strongest predictor of winning fights is the physical-size support factor than does kin network centrality (see
factor.Heightisprobablyleastresponsibleforthisrelation- Appendix 2in theSupplementaryMaterial).
shipsinceitloadstheleastonthephysical-sizefactoramong The acculturation factor is an independent predictor of
the four physical-size variables (see Appendix 2 in the community-wide influence in the regression model. Unlike
C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415 409
Table2
Pearsoncorrelationcoefficientsamongthesocial-statusmeasuresandtheirpredictors(n=57)
Physical Food Prosocial Social Winsdyadic Getsway Community
Age size productiona Acculturateda personalitya supporta fights ingroup influence Respect
Age 1 .036 .205 −.665⁎⁎⁎ −.096 −.078 −.179 .049 −.070 .146
Physicalsizea 1 .292⁎⁎ .234⁎ .184 .518⁎⁎⁎ .781⁎⁎⁎ .524⁎⁎⁎ .535⁎⁎⁎ .328⁎⁎
Foodproductiona 1 −.289⁎⁎ .350⁎⁎⁎ .225⁎ .242⁎ .151 .244⁎ .459⁎⁎⁎
Acculturateda 1 .334⁎⁎ .474⁎⁎⁎ .424⁎⁎⁎ .250⁎ .497⁎⁎⁎ .115
Prosocialpersonalitya 1 .541⁎⁎⁎ .301⁎⁎ .278⁎⁎ .545⁎⁎⁎ .455⁎⁎⁎
Socialsupporta 1 .654⁎⁎⁎ .602⁎⁎⁎ .863⁎⁎⁎ .548⁎⁎⁎
⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎
Winsdyadicfights 1 .588 .675 .419
⁎⁎⁎ ⁎⁎
Getswayingroup 1 .525 .339
⁎⁎⁎
Communityinfluence 1 .653
Respect 1
a Predictorsderivedfromfactoranalysis(see Section4).
⁎ pb.10.
⁎⁎ pb.05.
⁎⁎⁎ pb.01.
wage labor income, we surmise that commerce income (r=−.028, n=56, p=.837), hunting ability appears to drive
neither predicts influence nor loads on the acculturation thefood production–respectrelationship.
factor because horticultural commerce is a less rewarding Thefood-productionandacculturationfactorsnegatively
enterpriseanddoesnotrequiretremendousinitialinvestment covary (see Table 2), which suggests that investments in
in one's education. Compared to horticultural commerce, community-wide influence trade off with investments in
wagelaboroffersTon'tumsimenbothhigheraverageweekly respect. Controlling for age, however, attenuates the
earnings (US$4.37 vs. US$3.43) and potentially higher inverse relationship between food production and accul-
absolute earnings (wage labor income σ2=27.50 vs. com- turation (partial r=−.213, n=57, p=.115). Furthermore,
merceincomeσ2=12.80).Wagelabor,suchasworkingasa acculturation is neither a significant negative nor positive
ranch-hand, logger, teacher, or agro-forestry consultant for bivariate predictor of respect. Table 2 presents the cross-
Bolivian nationals, correlates highly with Spanish fluency correlations among all the status predictors and measures
(r=.454, n=56, p=.001), literacy (r=.425, n=56, p=.001), of status.
and influence (r=.256, n=56, p=.056), while commerce
5.5. Social support
income is unrelated to Spanish fluency (r=−.073, n=56,
p=.593),literacy(r=−.040,n=56,p=.768),orinfluence(r= The social-support factor is probably a strong mediator
−.109, n=56, p=.426). The question remains, however, of the other status predictor variables; hence, we performed
whetherliteracyandSpanishfluencyaretheresultsofwage a regression to gauge which predictor variables most
labor or are, in fact, generating wage opportunities. associate with social support (see Table 1, column 6). The
Controlling for age and age2, completed grade level regression model is significant and explains 51.7% of the
(standardized β=.597, p=.001) and not wage labor income variance in social support. The acculturation factor is the
(standardizedβ=−.050,p=.678) predictsliteracy inamulti- strongest predictor of the social-support factor, but the
pleregression[F(4,38)=9.832,pb.001].Similarly,completed physical-size factor and the prosocial personality factor are
grade level (standardized β=.882, pb.001) and not wage also significant.
labor income (standardized β=−.024, p=.861) predicts Since the prosocial personality factor correlates with all
Spanishfluency[F(4,38)=16.879,pb.001]. four status measures, especially influence and respect (see
Table2),theeffectsofprosocialityonstatusacquisitionare
5.4. Respect
likely mediated by social support. The mediating effect of
The regression model is significant and explains 38.8% socialsupportislargelyduetonumberofallies.Prosociality
of the variance in respect. While the physical-size factor, correlates with alliance strength (r=.508, n=57, pb.001)
acculturationfactor,prosocialpersonalityfactor,andtheage butnotwithkinnetworkcentrality(r=.188,n=57,p=.161).
and age2 terms do not predict respect in the regression Likewise, level of acculturation correlates with alliance
model, social support and food production are strong strength (r=.473, n=57, pb.001) but not with kin network
independent predictors of respect. Hunting ability loads the centrality (r=−.019, n=57,p=.887).
highestonthefood-productionfactor(seeAppendix2inthe Among the prosocial personality variables, giving good
Supplementary Material), and hunting ability correlates adviceloadshighestontheprosocialpersonalityfactor(see
stronglywithrespect(r=.469,n=57,pb.001).Sincerespect Appendix2intheSupplementaryMaterial)andproducesthe
isnotasstronglycorrelatedwithreputationasahardworker strongest correlation with community-wide influence
(r=.286, n=57, p=.031) or horticultural commerce income (r=.507, n=57, pb.001). Generous meat sharing and how
410 C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415
evenstrongerweretheoldestmaleinTon'tumsinotarecent
immigranttothecommunity.
When controlling for the acculturation factor, age does
producesignificantpartialcorrelationswithgettingone'sway
in a group (partial r=.270, n=57, p=.045), respect (partial
r=.281, n=57, p=.036), and community influence (partial
r=.398, n=57, p=.002). Wins dyadic fights produces no
partialcorrelationwithage(partialr=.136,n=57,p=.318).In
Ton'tumsi,thelackofalinearageeffectonthepolyadic-status
measuresisinlargepartanartifactofnovelconditions.
6. Discussion
6.1. Interpretation of the results
Among Tsimane men of Ton'tumsi, physical size is the
primarydeterminantofdyadicfightoutcomes.Socialsupport
isslightlymorepredictivethanphysicalsizeofgettingone's
way in a group. Greater social support and acculturation
result in community-wide influence, and greater social
support and skill in food production (i.e., hunting ability)
Fig.1.NonparametricLOWESSsmoothedcurvesfittedtothestatus-measure
generaterespect.Largerphysicalsize,greateracculturation,
rankingsbyage(n=57).
and prosocial behavior are independently associated with
moresocialsupport,andsocialsupportmediatestheireffects
on the status measures. Age predicts status quadratically.
often one is visited load nearly as high on the prosocial Fig.2illustratesthemostsignificantlinearpredictorsofmale
personality factor. Among the prosocial variables, meat
sharingisthestrongestbivariatepredictorofrespect(r=.450,
n=57, pb.001).
5.6. Social status and age
Fig.1displaysnonparametricLOWESSsmoothedcurves
of each status measure by age.
Fig. 1 suggests that the social-status measures relate to
agequadratically,thatis,showamidlifepeak.Theabilityto
winadyadicfightproducesthestrongestquadraticrelation-
shipwithage[F(2,54)=6.843,p=.002],andrespectproduces
theweakestquadraticrelationshipwithage[F(2,54)=1.418,
p=.251]. None of the status measures produce a linear
relationship with age (see Table 2). With the exception of
gettingone'swayinagroup,statuspeaksinthe30sforthe
average Tsimane male, which is earlier than we predicted.
Respect showsonly slight declineswithold age.
InTon'tumsi,thereareonly10menolderthanage50.On
aggregate,theseindividualsarenotrecognizedashighstatus,
and they lack many of the traits that are crucial to status
acquisition. Age does not linearly predict the physical-size,
food-production, prosocial personality, and social-support
factors(see Table 2).Age negatively predicts theaccultura-
tionfactor.Olderindividualsare,ingeneral,notovercoming
deficits in wage labor income (r=−.406, n=56, p=.002) by Fig.2.Schematicoftheindependent,linearpredictorsoffourmeasuresof
pursuingalternative incomestrategies.Ageshowsnolinear socialstatusamongtheadultmalesofTon'tumsi(n=57).Duetothesmall
relationshipwithcommerceincome(r=.065,n=56,p=.636). samplesize,thisfigurepresentsresultsfromfourseparatemultipleregression
While older men cannot claim more allies (r=−.104, n=57, analyses(seeTable1)ratherthananoverallpathanalysis.Arrowsindicate
multipleregressionweightswithstandardizedvaluesN.25andpvaluesb.05;
p=.442),theymaypossessrelativelymoresupportfromkin
arrowsinboldfaceindicatemultipleregressionweightswithstandardized
(r=.234, n=57, p=.079). This latter relationship would be valuesN.45andpvaluesb.01.
C.vonRuedenetal./EvolutionandHumanBehavior29(2008)402–415 411
social status in Ton'tumsi, given the results of our multiple distributionofatraitiscomparedtoitsuniformdistribution.
regressionanalysis. Gini coefficient values range from 0 (perfect equality) to
Our results suggest that male fighting ability is deter- 1 (perfect inequality). Gini coefficients for wage labor
minedmore bymusclesize andweightthan by height. Ina income(.59),commerceincome(.53),andliteracy(.35)are
study of U.S. college students, flexed bicep circumference amongthehighestforallthepredictorsofstatusanalyzedin
predicts lifting strength and self-reported conflict outcomes thisstudy.Forcomparison,the2005U.S.householdincome
better than height, weight, or chest circumference (Sell, Ginicoefficientwas.47(DeNavas-Waltetal.,2006)andthe
2005). However, in a study of Indian men, height, weight, 2003EUhouseholdincomeGinicoefficientwas.31(Central
and flexed bicep circumference all significantly correlate Intelligence Agency, 2008). Unequal distribution of a trait
with aggression, but height and weight produce higher doesnotnecessarilymeanthattraitisstronglytiedtosocial
bivariate correlations with aggression than does bicep size status, however. The Gini coefficients for Spanish fluency
(Archer & Thanzami, 2007). Since the cross-correlations (.18), number of allies (.16), and bicep circumference (.04)
amongallofthesevariablesareashighintheIndianandU.S. are relatively low. Most of the measures in this study,
samples above as among the Tsimane, the different results including all four social-status measures, produce Gini
reportedbythesestudiesmaybemoreapparentthanreal. coefficients of .20 or less. The other measures with Gini
Independent of physical size, social support shows a coefficients above .20 are kinship network centrality (.38),
strong relationship with winning a dyadic fight. Our money lending (.31), and meat sharing(.25).
interpretation is that dyadic fighting ability is perceived as The strong relationship between hunting ability and
indistinguishable from one's ability to elicit social support. respectisnoteworthy.InTon'tumsi,menhuntforanaverage
The downstream consequences of any dyadic fight may of7hperweek,andhuntingreturnscontribute,onaverage,
involve retaliation by the disputing parties' coalitions, and 22% of men's total daily food production (Gurven & von
large size is a predictor of more social support within Rueden,2006).DespiteitsproximitytoSanBorja,Ton'tumsi
Ton'tumsi. Alternatively, having more allies may simply isontheperipheryofold-growthforestwheregameanimals
make one seem more physically formidable even when remain relatively abundant. In a less acculturated, more
coalitional retaliationisnot anticipated. remote Tsimane village, however, men hunt for 11 h per
For group dispute outcomes, coalitional support is para- week, and hunting returns contribute, on average, 50% of
mount,butphysicalsizestillplaysanimportantindependent men's total daily food production (Gurven & von Rueden,
role. Thus, getting one's way in a group is a form of social 2006). Perhaps the reduced contribution of hunting to food
status among Tsimane males that is intermediate between production in Ton'tumsi explains in part why the food-
winningadyadicfightandcommunity-wideinfluence. production factor does not predict the other social-status
In generating community-wide influence, physical size measures. Nevertheless, hunting remains culturally vener-
hasnoeffectindependentofsocialsupport.Individualswho ated, asgaugedbyitsrelationshipwithrespect. Analysisof
aremoreprosocialhavemoreinfluencebut,again,onlyasa unpublished data also suggests Tsimane women in both
result of their social support. Within one's social group, Ton'tumsi and a more remote community place similar
individuals make decisions concerning how much of their emphasisonhuntingabilityinaprospectivehusband.
resourcestoshareandwithhowmanyothers(Gurven,2004). As the Tsimane become more integrated in Bolivian
Sharing decisions that optimize resource consumption via nationalsociety,theallocationofrespectmayremainhighly
reciprocalaltruismmighttradeoffwithsharingdecisionsthat conservative relative to the more labile nature of the
optimizestatusacquisitionviaallianceformation. predictors ofcommunityinfluence.Theacculturationfactor
The regression results for community-wide influence showsnobivariateormultivariaterelationshipwithrespect;
reveal the growing impact of acculturation within Tsimane it is possible that novel skills like literacy and the wealth it
society.Independentoftheireffectsonsocialsupport,skills brings are perceived as a less legitimate, though an
gained through formal education are of increasing impor- increasingly more successful, means of achieving social
tancetocommunity-wideinfluencebecausethey(a)provide status. In any society, it seems that the nouveau riche are
exclusiveaccesstoknowledgegermanetocommunity-wide seldom accorded respect by their peers.
debates and/or (a) increase opportunities to gain and flaunt Socialsupportisthesinequanonofsocialstatusamong
material wealth. Differences in time discounting among theTsimane.Ourresultssuggestthatsocialsupportiseither
Tsimane males may determine who reaps more wealth and mediating or outcompeting the other status predictors in
influencelaterinlife.InarecentstudyoftheTsimane,more generatingpolyadicsocialstatus.Thestrongestdeterminant
patient individuals reported more years of schooling, and ofsocialsupportand,inparticular,one'snumberofalliesis
4 years later, they had earned greater wage labor income level of acculturation. Men with labor-market skills and
(Reyes-Garciaet al.,2007). wage labor income may attract allies because, in part, they
Measures of inequality in the distribution of income and can afford to be more prosocial. Income positively predicts
literacy show that relatively few individuals in Ton'tumsi the number of times a Tsimane household gave gifts of
currently benefitfrom the effectsof acculturation.The Gini money, food, or labor to other households (Godoy et al.,
coefficient is one measure of inequality in which the actual 2007). On the other hand, community-wide market