The Local Prevention of Terrorism: Strategy and Practice in the Fight Against Terrorism

248 Pages·2015·3.29 MB·English

by  Joshua J. Skoczylis (auth.)

The Local Prevention of Terrorism

The Local Prevention of
Terrorism
Strategy and Practice in the Fight
Against Terrorism
Joshua J. Skoczylis
Lecturer in Criminology, University of Lincoln, UK
© Joshua J. Skoczylis 2015
Foreword © Clive Walker 2015
S oftcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2015 978-1-137-49900-4
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DOI 10.1057/9781137499011
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Skoczylis, Joshua J., 1982–
The local prevention of terrorism : strategy and practice in the fight
against terrorism / Joshua J. Skoczylis, Lecturer in Criminology,University
of Lincoln, UK.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Terrorism – Prevention. I. Title.
HV6431.S55626 2015
363.325917—dc23 2015018314
Contents
List of Illustrations vi
Forewordd vii
Clive Walker
Acknowledgements x
List of Abbreviations xi
1 Introduction 1
2 Concepts and Tensions Affecting Prevent 12
3 Is CONTEST Innovative? Counter-Terrorism and Prevent 45
4 The National Implementation of Prevent 74
5 Prevent and Its Local Professional Deliveryy 112
6 Local Communities and Prevent 153
7 Conclusion 182
Appendix 201
Bibliographyy 204
Index 233
v
List of Illustrations
Figures
2.1 Reshaping and framing terrorism and extremism 18
5.1 Prevent: organisational structure in Maybury between
2007 and 2011 115
Tables
5.1 Maybury’s revised Prevent objectives 120
5.2 Purposes of Prevent-funded programmes in Maybury
between 2007 and 2011 127
6.1 Local newspaper circulation: on- and offline access 156
vi
Foreword
The genesis of the United Kingdom Government’s flagship strategy,
Countering International Terrorism (CONTEST), reflected considerable
official reticence. Only after the bombings of the London transport
system on 7 July 2005 did a sufficiently strong official resolve emerge to
confront terrorism with explicit determination to rally the open engage-
ment of the public. Neither of these avenues of response had been
much in evidence during the previous 30-year conflict of the Northern
Ireland Troubles, when the abiding approaches became technical securi-
tisation and political Ulsterisation. However, once the phenomenon of
‘neighbour terrorism’ – terrorism by one’s erstwhile neighbour – became
palpable, the modal stance of closing off counter-terrorism as an enter-
prise for shadowy official organisations working clandestinely could
no longer be sensibly maintained as the only option. At that point, it
became necessary to unveil the full glory of CONTEST, including the
Prevent measures to stop people becoming terrorists or supporting
violent extremism.
But even after 7/7, the Government did not highlight the changes
afoot. Instead, much more prominent was the statement of Prime
Minister Tony Blair in August 2006 about how ‘the rules of the game
are changing’. He was referring here not to Prevent but to other aspects
of the counter-terrorism panoply, such as the criminal law, criminal
procedure, and the growing weaponisation introduced by the immi-
gration and nationality law. Those issues have involved important
changes since 2005 (and Prevent has continued to evolve since then).
By contrast, Prevent was not for some time the subject of any legislation,
and has never attracted anywhere near as much financing as the more
traditional areas of Pursue, Prepare and Protect. Yet it is Prevent which is
far the most radical aspect of CONTEST, and it has remained so since its
public inauguration in 2006.
There are several reasons for the persistent controversy surrounding
Prevent, whose notoriety belies its secondary status. The reasons
include the lack of clarity as to its scope and objectives. Thus, there is
endemic vagueness in the adopted basic general terminology – the terms
‘extremism’, ‘radicalisation’, and ‘Britishness’ remain open-textured –
and even the basis for engagement and intervention in individual
situations often leaves much room for official discretion – a discretion
vii
viii Foreword
that has been highlighted in some prominent cases, such as the failure
to engage with Michael Adebolajo, one of the killers of Lee Rigby at
Woolwich in 2013. The monitoring of the achievements of Prevent is
also lacking in transparency, so all that is made available tends to be
political assertions rather than scientific measurement. The very design
of Prevent also carries the potential for skewing relations between offi-
cialdom (including the police) and the minority communities which are
viewed as being at risk of terrorism (especially Muslim-heritage commu-
nities). These effects can arise by support being given to selected strands
of opinion or leadership, including former extremists and conservative
religious scholars, or by the labelling of individuals as being current
‘extremists’ or at risk of becoming so. There is also the potential for
collective alienation if the appearance is given that Prevent demands
constant infiltration and surveillance from above rather than empow-
erment and partnership from below. Some of these contentious issues
were addressed by the Home Office’s Prevent Strategy Revieww in 2011. That
exercise clarified some aspects of the scope and objectives of Prevent.
However, it equally left many problems unaddressed. The government
had to return to some of them by promoting the first ever legislation on
the subject, the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015. While this is
the first act that has had the potential to apply rule of law standards to
a vague and potentially threatening area of discretionary security policy,
it has done so in a half-hearted way, with much emphasis on vague
guidance about the roles of selective officialdom.
These continuing travails of Prevent seem to be never far from the head-
lines. Whether because of the involvement of extremists in Birmingham
schools or the alarming flow (and backflow) of volunteers to the Islamist
groups in Syria, Prevent has never been more prescient or more contro-
versial than now. It sparks vehement opponents, who complain of net
widening, discriminatory labelling, and even the creation of ‘suspect
communities’. There are equally strong supporters, ranging from promi-
nent politicians across a broad spectrum to anguished parents, all of
whom see the need for political engagement with extreme violence and
the wisdom of reacting to children and young people who have made
life-changing choices (or are on the path towards doing so) in terms
which adopt social or regulatory modes of risk management instead of
the traditional criminal justice modes of heavy sanction.
In the light of these conflicting narratives, this book could not have
arrived at a more opportune moment. By engaging with this extremely
important area of public policy, Dr Skoczylis offers original and well-
researched insights into the policy formation of Prevent, its key terms,
Foreword ix
and its working practices. The author presents a book which builds
upon his Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC)-funded research
while at the University of Leeds, which ranged effectively in its scholarly
review of academic literature and policy documentation and which also
involved the conduct of important fieldwork research which he pursued
doggedly and thoroughly. The result is an important and highly inform-
ative book. In respect of the policy analysis of Prevent, Dr Skoczylis
ventures further than previously published books, since he offers a deep
engagement with policy in a counter-terrorism context and is able to
explain, analyse and assess the significant phases of development of
Prevent including its 2011 revisions. Furthermore, his deep research over
several years includes comparisons with other British counter-terrorism
campaigns, such as those in Malaya and Northern Ireland. Reflection
along those lines helps to elucidate the extent to which Prevent is in
fact innovative. In respect of the study of the policy’s implementation
both nationally and in a sample location, originality is secured for the
book by substantial fieldwork. The result is an in-depth understanding
of impact at both a national level and also in a selected location through
qualitative fieldwork, including an assessment of legitimacy and trust
felt by affected communities which shows greater complexity and deeper
understanding than the usual, and rather shallow, ‘suspect community’
perspective. From these clear methods and findings, the book arrives at
a number of innovative conclusions and recommendations.
Having worked with Dr Skoczylis during his time at Leeds, I was
delighted to be asked to write the Foreword to this book. It has been
rewarding to me to have been so closely involved in the production
of an original and important addition to the literature of counter-ter-
rorism. Just as I have learnt much from the author’s research, so am I
sure that this book will be of great value to stakeholders, students and
the general public.
Clive Walker
Professor Emeritus, School of Law, University of Leeds, UK