Table Of ContentVolume 2002, Number 4 Winter 2002
THE KEYNOTER
Page The Keynoter
THE APIC KEYNOTER
Published Quarterly
Volume 2002, Number 4 Winter 2002
FEATURES:
Editor's Message The Election of 1952 Page 3
"I Like Ike" vs. "MadlyforAdlai" Page 4
Sign ofthe Times: 1901 Inaugural Program Page 10
The Election of1952wasafull halfcenturyago. To A Fine View ofthe President Page 15
some of us, Eisenhower vs. Stevenson seems like yes- The FDR Clocks, Part 3 Page 17
terday. Toyoungercollectors,we mightaswell be talk- The Maddox Pick Handle Page 23
ingGarfieldvs. Hancock. TheElecdonof1952wasthe The American Independent Party Page 26
first elecdon in which media began to dominate. Lester Maddox andJimmy Carter Page 26
Soon T\commercials replaced streetcornerspeeches
and mass media replaced mass rallies. These days, DEPARTMENTS:
even when a candidate holds a large rally, it is aimed APIC Interview: Lester Maddox Page 18
more for the T\^audience than the people in the hall. Collecting History: WWII Page 27
Today, the growing impact of the Internet carrying
messages,jokes and charges to millions of computer Illustrations: The editor wishes to thank the following for providing
screens maywell prove to be as significanta change as illustrations for this issue: Dan Duncan, Roger Fischer, Robert Fratkin,
television was in 1952. David andJanice Frent, Harvey Goldberg, Chick Harris, Brian Knapf,
Skip Morgan, John Pendergrass, Richard Rector, Robin and Julie
Stay tuned for more. Powell, Philip Ross, Ed Sullivan and Tom Tedford.
Some readers may question our focus on Lester
Maddox. Yet those politicians who fought against Covers: Front:TwoRWB 3 1/2" buttonsfrom the 1952campaign. Back:
modemitv'are no lessa partofourpolitical fabric than Recently discovered RWB Coolidge-Dawesjugate decal.
the Socialists and others who eschew the mainstream.
Besides, things are always more complicated than they
seem. Interviewer Richard Rector relates this story
about Maddox: "It's odd but Lester Maddox actually
appointed more African-Americans to positions in
stategovernment then anyprevious GeorgiaGovernor IN THE NEXT ISSUE
Julian Bond tells a story ofgoing to Governor Sanders The first presidential election after the Civil War
and askinghim to appoint an African-American to the
draft board. Sanders told him he would have to encompassed the most serious ofissues. It wasn't
aMpapdodiontxawictohmtmhiettseaemetoresqtuuedsyt.it.MHaeddwoexntastkoeGdoivfetrhneorre paonlditidceaalthr.heItto'sriGcratnotsavsy.tSheeyymwoeurreimnatthteerEsleocftiliofne
were any blacks in the military. When told that there of 1868 plus an interviewwith 1988 hopeful Paul
were, he appointed some to the draft board. That is Simon and other interesting features.
whyyou have the odd tale ofMartin Luther King aide
HoseaWilliamsas thechiefsponsorofthefailedeffort ."Vllcorrespondence about AssociateEditor SupportServices
to get Maddox a state pension." contentshouldbe Robert Fratkin Germaine Brou.ssard
addressed to: KaySampson Kelly
ContributingEditors
ERRATA Editor Steve Baxley
Michael Kelly
Stephen Cresswell
Page 7 of the Fall 2002 issue featured a William 1901 MontclairAvenue DavidFrent
Jennings Bnan and Adlai Stevenson button (with the Flint, MI 48503
originalAdlai Stevenson, the grandfatherof1952'sver- [Email: [email protected]] EditorialBoard APICseekstoencourageand
Robert Fratkin supportthestudyandpreser-
sfniorotonm)1.819T86h9.e6."caTpthieonBreyrraonn/eSotuesvleyyndseosncrtiicbkeedtirtaansain"cl1a9s0s0i,c Alslhocmuoalirdlriebnsegpoaandndddreencscospeeiaedsbtoou:t EHadMrBmivrcueihnyaandeGloKSrluKadlelplbilfevyragn vpiUoasnltsiiiuttoiienncdgaloSftfraotoemrcsiaagominfnpdAaamliregermnliaastcteioarnfigatanhltdeso
Publisher to bring its members fuller
Joe Hayes Contributors appreciation and deeper
P.O. Box 1149 Robert Fratkin understanding oftlie candi-
Cibolo,TX 78108 Philip Ross dates and issues that form
Michael Kelly [Email: [email protected]] RichardJ.Rector ourpoliticalheritage.
Editor TomTedford ©2003APICTexas78108
PrintedinUSA
byLebcoGraphics
The Keynoter Page 3
THE
PRESIDENTIAL
CANDIDATES
OF
1952
REPUBLICAN PARTY i PEACE^ DEMOCRATIC PARTY
(Eisenhower and Nixon) ^^EQUALITYc^^ (Stevenson and Sparkman)
33,936,252 27,314,992
(442) (89)
PROGRESSIVE PARTY
von
VOTE SOCIALIST
"
ROW HOOPES
D
FRIEDMAN/
PEACE
V\
PROHIBITION PARTY IN '52 SOCIALIST PARTY
(Hamblen and Holtwick) (Hoopes and Friedman)
AMERICAN LABOR PARTY*
72,769 20,189
(Hallinan and Bass)
140,138
FARMER
KRAJEWSKI
SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY
Hass and Emeiy
CHRISTIAN NATIONALIST 30,376 POOR MAN'S PARTY
(Mac Arthur and Tenny) (Krajewski andJenkins)
10,557 4,203
SOCIAUSTWORKERS PARTY CONSTITUTION &AMERICAFIRST
(Dobbs and Weiss) GREENBACKPARTY (Mac Arthur and Byrd)
10,306 2911 & 233
(Proehl and Bedell)
AMERICAN VEGETARIAN PARTY CHURCH OF GOD PARTY
(Murphy and Gould) (Tomlinson and Bass)
*THE AMERICAN LABOR and COMMUNIST PARTIES supported Hallinan and Bass.
Mac Arthur and Kellems were the candidates ofthe CONSTITUTION OF CALIF. PARTY.
Ellen L.Jensen was the Presidential Candidate ofthe WASHINGTON PEACE PARTY.
Page 4 The KevTioter
1952: "I Like Ike" versus
44'Madly for Adlai"
AOLAI
by Michael Kelly
As the campaign of 1952 approached, the Democrats had The presidential picture on the Democratic side was even
held die WTiile House for t\\enr\' unbroken vears, leading muddier President Tmman had decided not to run again.
Groucho Marx to wisecrack tliat "the onh wa\ a Republican The Democrats were walking on eggshells after the part)'
\\ill get into the \\liite House is to manT Margaret Trtiman." splits in 1948 had resulted in both the far-right Dixiecrat
Four dmes tmder FDRand again under the surprising Harr\' Democrats and far-left Progressive Democrats fielding inde-
Truman the Democrats had trotmced the Republicans pendent tickets tmder Gov. Strom Thunnond and former
through a tiubulent era of depression, world war. cold war Vice President Henn'\Vallace, respectiveh'. The old Dixiecrat
anda newkind ofpolice acdon in a far-offland called Korea. and Progressive forces had their hopefuls for the 1952 nomi-
As is natural during such a long period of one-part\' power nation: Georgia Sen. Richard Russell for the rightand diplo-
combinedwith the social disnipdons that come with war. cor- matAverell Harriman for the left.
rtipdon had seeped into manvgovernmental progiams. Shaking up the scene was liberal Sen. Estes Kefauver of
The vear 1952 would mark the halRvav point ofa century Tennessee. Kefau\"er hadwon wide fame from the newmedi-
that had begun \Nith William McKinley in the White Hotise um of telexision. The nation watched spellbound as "The
and .America's first overseas war (against Spain). Much had Kefauver Committee" exposed organized crime in a series of
changed in the subsequent half centur\'. Manv historians telexised hearings, a new phenomenon in the Fifties.
mark 1952asthefirst"modem"presidendalcampaign. Itwas Kefativerjumped into the race and upset President Tiaiman
certainly the first in which mass media-especially tele\ision - in the New Hampshire primar\' before the President had
began to plav the critical role it has plaved eversince. announced that he wouldn't be running for re-election.
That\earwasalso thelast\earofrealnadonalconventions, Kefauverwent on to sweep almost even'primarybut in 1952,
in the sense that delegates gathered for both the Republican the part\' was still in the hands of organization bosses. The
and Democratic conventions (both held in Chicago's bosseswanted Illinois Gov. Adlai Stevenson.
International .Amphitheater, onlv two weeks apart) withotit Stevenson was a northern moderate whose positions on
kno\Ning in ad\"ance who their nominee would be. The ci\"il rights were thought to be more conserx'ative than
Republicans had a momentous head-to-head clash between Kefauverand Harriman. Beingfrom Illinois, he had obrious-
Ohio's scholarly Sen. RobertA. Taft and Ehright Eisenhower, ly come to terms with the part)' machine yet his intellectual
commanderofthe alliedforces ofWorldWar II. Taft's integri- eloqtience attracted the idealists. The onlv problem was the
ty and longtime parts' leadership gave him an earlv lead but fact that Stevenson didn't want the presidential nomination.
Eisenhower's tidal wave of war hero poptilarit\ pro\ed irre- In the end, Stevenson's wishes would be less important that
sistible and the GOP nomination went to the retired general. the needs of his part)' and the fall election would feature
Interestinglv, a number of Democratic partv leaders (includ- Stevenson versus Eisenhower The Republicans picked a ris-
ingPresidentTruman) had tried to draftEisenhowerfor their ing voung senator from California named Richard Xixon as
presidential nomination in 1948 withoutsuccess. Ike'smnningmatewhile theDemocrats uiedtobalance their
.
The Keynoter Page 5
10,306votesforFarrell Dobbsand MyraWeiss. Fanner Henry
Krajewski and running male Frank Jenkins managed 4,203
votes on the colorful Poor Man's Party while small
Constitution and America First parties managed a few thou-
sandvoteshereand thereforticketsfeaturingMacArthurand
Virginia Sen. Hany Byrd. The elecU(Mi of 1952 saw the last
gasps of the Greenback Party and Vegetarian Party plus the
arrival ofHomer Tomlinson's Church ofGod Party (later to
become the Theocratic Party). No votes were recorded for
anyofthe latter.
The campaign produced a dazzlingamount of interesting
material.Thepost-warprosperitycombinedwithanemerging
consumersociety to bring a myriad ofmaterial into the pres-
idential battie. Loyalists could boast their support with sun-
glasses, drinking cups, popcorn boxes, pens, pencils, hats,
license plates, fans, phones, neckties, handkerchiefs, comic
books, pennants, cigarette packs, cigarette lighters, garters,
jeweliy, dresses and- ofcourse - buttons.
The campaign produced what may be the most famous
political campaign slogan button of all time, a button that
became a symbol ofthe era. It wasn't fancy. It didn't involve
elaborate graphics. It only carried three words with a total of
eight letters: "I Like Ike."
divided party by tapping Alabama's liberal (but anti-civil DwightEisenhowerisalongname, toolongforagoodslo-
rights) Sen.John Sparkman. gan. Button makers made some feeble attempts to use
Unlike 1948, minor parties made litde impression on the Eisenhower's given name ("Make the White House the
general election. Abandoned by Henry Wallace, the Dwight House") butnothinghad the power ofhis nickname,
Progressive Party soldiered on under Vincent Hallinan and Ike. The slogan was not only memorable; it was accurate.
Charlotta Bass (who also won the endorsement of the People did like Ike. His critical role in winning the worldwar
American Labor Party and the Communist Party) but drew was balanced by a—down-home, fol—ksy persona that seemed
only 140,138 votes. The Prohibition Party managed a approachable and to be precise likeable.
respectable fourth place with 72,769 votes under Stuart Stevenson supporters at first derided the "I Like Ike" phe-
HamblinandEnoch Holtwick.TheSocialistLaborPartyfield- nomenon as hokey, but that response emphasized Stevenson
ed Eric Hass and Stephen Emery, garnering 30,376 votes as an out-of-touch aristocrat descended from political royalty
while the honorable old Socialist Party ofEugene Debs and (his grandfather had been GroverCleveland'sVice President
Norman Thomasstaggered inwith 20,189votesfortheirtick- and his son would later become U.S. Senator from Illinois)
etofDarlington HoopesandSamuel Friedman. Othertickets Soon the Democratswere searchingfor theirown snappyslo-
included the Christian Nationalist Party that nominated an gan to boost Stevenson.
unwilling Gen. Douglas MacArthur andJack Tenney to win Democratic faithful tried to counter with items reading
10,557voteswith theSocialistWorkersPartyrightbehindwith "We Need Adlai Badly" "Gladly forAdlai" or "I'm Madly for
Page 6 The Keynoter
Adliii" bill all three slogvins required one to mispronounce was a potent banner as the (^old War came into focus and
the candidate's name (sa\ing it as "Ad-lee" rather than the .Americans were dxing on the battlefields of Korea. The
conect "Ad-lye"). Oilier allempts called for voters to go "All Democi~ats continued to run against Herbert Hoover, a win-
TheWayWith Adlai," claimed "Adlai is OK" orinsisted "I Say ning tactic for the last two decades, with slogans like "Don't
Adiai," bill ihev required his name to be pronounced "Ad- LeiThemTakeItAwav!"AbriefscandaloverRichardNixon's
lav." At least one big cits organization button bom the special expenses fund wiis swept awav with the famous
Democratic 4oUi Ward club tried "OurGuvisAdlai"which at "Checkers" speech and the "1 Like Ike"wave builtinto aland-
least rhymed accuraielv, it tailed to be memorable (although slide. The populaiirv' ofa successful war hero proved to once
nonewentasfarasan item from his 1956 campaign boosting again be hard to oppose.
Stevenson and running-mate Esies Kefauver with the slogan On Election Dav, Eisenhowerwon one ofthe largest elec-
"AdlaiandEstes-TheBestest" ortheGOPstickerreading"\e tion \ictoiies in histoiy With over 33 million votes to
Gad! NotAd!"). The APIC Stevenson Project published over Stevenson's27million, Ike tookover55% ofthevoteand car-
20 vears ago erroneouslv includes two buttons ("1 Believe In ried thirt\' states. He even broke the Democratic "Solid
Sieve" and "We've Got Steve Up Our Sleeve") that are actual- South," walking awav with Texas, Virginia, Tennessee and
h from a Colorado local campaign. Florida. Stevenson didn't win amthing outside ofhis party's
The most successful Democratic responses to the "1 Like southern base.
Ike"buttonsconcededEisenhower'slikeabilin'butinsistedon Stevenson's eloquence and intelligent won him devoted
supportingStevenson. "I Like IkeBut1AmGoingToVoteFor support among Democratic lovalists, leading to a second
Stevenson" read one while the most effective of all pictured nomination in 1956 and an active hopeful raceforthe party's
cartoonist Bill Mauldin's famous ordinary' G.I., Willie, with nomination in 1960. Eisenhowerwenton todelivertwo terms
the statement "I Like Stevenson." markedb\'apeace and prosperit\'that seems almostafantasy
Therewereissues,ofcourse.TheGOPhadtheirbigthree: in terms ofthe decades thatwould follow. Bv the time he left
Corruption, Communism and Korea. Charges ofcomiption office, the turbulentSixtieshadanivedand thesimpledaysof
resonated after twent\ \ears of one-part\' rule, Communism "I Like Ike" would become a matterofquaint nostalgia.*
EISENHOWER^
WORKING
PRESS
BOSTON GARDEN
Nov. 3, 1952
#
***•»»
them
The Keynoter Page 7
Postwar prosperity combined
with increased industrial capacity
to create awide range ofmaterial
!
in the 1952 campaign.
WEAR A PAIR AND
SHOW YOUR FRIENDS
^^^^^^ ^1
.
^^3H^
mm
Page 8 The Keynoter
LIKE IKE
I
BUT
AM GOING TO
I
IS
VOTE FOR
i i j
STEVENSON
/
Li
J^^L I
STEVENSON/
ADLAl
LIKES
IKE
TOO
RFwr CONTROL
BATTERYOPERATED
WE
NEED
ADLAl
f
"I Like Ike" was the perfect campaign slogan. Attempts to counter it
with slogans like "My Guy is Adlai" or "We Need Adlai Badly" never
clicked.Afterawhile, some Democraticbuttonsthrewinthetoweland
insisted "I Like Ike But I Am Going to Vote for Stevenson."
PARTY
PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION ATLAS
GUEST
WITH39MM>SSHOWINGELECTORALVOTE
BYSTATES ANDPARTIES1796TODATE
)4
ELECTION NIGHT
Ill NOVEMBER 1952
4,
FROMSP.M
Page 9
TheInaugurationofEisenhowerandNixon-fiftyyearsago-wasthebegin-
ning of a new era. It would turn out to be an era dominated by Richard
Nixon. Between 1952 and 1972, Richard Nixon was on the national ballot
every time but once. He ran for VP in 1952 and 1956 and for President in
1960, 1968 and 1972. Only 1964, the Goldwateryear, did die GOP put up a
ticketwithout Nixon. That turned out to be the year they lost big.
Page 10 The Keynoter
A
Sign of the Times:
The 1901 Official Inaugural Souvenir Program
by Philip Ross
J.
Presidential inaugurations in the United States are tra- events; and an enumeration of the musical selections for
ditionally times forpageantiTand thinlyveiled partisanship the Inaugural Ball. In describing the souvenir book given
as the nation turns its attention to installing a new out at that sole inaugural ball held at the Pension Office
President. These quadrennial celebrations may also be building, the program reported,
reflective oftheir times and reveal the direction and future
towOarndewhciicishtotmhaeinTatrieosnouarncdeitfsolreasdteurdsyienxgpecatPtroemsiodveen.tial "tuTrheefsrooumvetnhierofrodritnhaerypreensgernatvebadllcairsdas,debloiughntdfuwlidtehprairb--
inauguration is the official inatigural program, a staple
among official inaugtiral memorabilia. The inaugural pro-
grams of 1901 and 2001 stand in sharp contrast in many
ways btit, at the same time, do share links, including one
quite imusual one.
The OfficialSouvenirProgram, InauguralCeremonies, March
4, 1901 is a 104-page fact-filled official program that was
issued by the Committee on Printing and bound in a
bizarre green burlap cover with an embossed paper seal
with ribbon on it. Its contents provide interesting insight
into the United Statesas itcrossed the threshold into aperi-
od ofnew power and new challenges. The 1901 ceremony
was the first inauguration ofthe 20th century; significantly
itwas also the first inauguration after the United States suc-
cessfully made its first major foray into inter—national mili-
taryaction and territorial acqtiisition byforce the Spanish
American war in 1898. The United States in 1901 was, for
the second time, swearing in William McKinley, an
J.
extremely popular president-so popular that there was
public sentiment favoring more than a two-term presidency
for him. The United States was experiencing a period of
growth in which itwas ptiffed up with patriotism and brava-
do. This nationalistic spiritwas nowhere more evident than
in the pages of the 1901 inaugural program and its cata-
logue of events and their descripfion. After all, the 1901
inaugural also marked the ascension ofthe "Rough Rider"
Theodore Roosevelt to the Office ofVice President.
The composition ofthe Inaugural Committee, as report-
ed in the program, clearly reflected the times too. Among
the members of the Executive Committee were an abun-
dance of prominent military figures, including General
Nelson Miles andAdmiral George Dewey, both minor pres-
idential hopefuls in theirown right. 1901 wasonlysomefive
years after the United States Supreme Courtestablished the
judicial doctrine of "separate but equal" in Plessy v.
Ferguson. Following the norm of that day, the 1901 pro-
gram devoted a separate page to naming and displaying
photographs ofthefourteen "ProminentColored Members
ofthe Inatigural Committees."
The 1901 inaugural program provided, among other
things, a lead feature entitled "Inatigurations and the City
ofWashington"; a listing ofeach member ofthe Inatigural
Committees, Subcommittees, and other staff along with
numerousphotographsoflistedpersons; adetaileddescrip-
tion of the inaugural parade; a complete chronology and
description ofeach componentofthe fifty-segment "display
ofaerial fireworks"; adescription ofthe protocol forvarious
