Table Of ContentThe Formation of the
Medieval West
STUDIES IN THE ORAL CULTURE OF THE BARBARIANS
Michael Richter
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CONTENTS
..
PREFACE VII
xv
ABBREVIATIONS
PART I
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ROMA N \VORLD
Politics
1 3
2 Religion 27
3 Literacy
45
PART II
APPROACHES TO ORAL CULTURE
4 Approaches to medieval oral culture 81
5 Performers and music 105
PART 111
THE EARLY MEDIEVAL EVIDENCE
6 A Carolingian cluster (c. 780-840) 125
7 Before the Carolingians 146
8 After the Carolingians 160
9 The Celtic countries 181
10 Oral culture and early vernacular literature 231
11 Results 255
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
PREFACE
One of the fundamental problems for the historian is posed by the very medium
through which he works. The language in which he approaches and articulates
the past is inevitably that of his O\vn world. It is an axiom of the profession
that the past is different from the present and, in the case of the early Middle
Ages, one may say very different. This makes it particularly necessary to
question the extent to which concepts of today are adequate for the past.
Problems of this kind are multiplied, if, as generally happens, more than one
language is involved in the process of approaching the past. It \viii become
evident in the following chapters that Latin words or phrases which appear to
be unproblematical reveal dimensions hitherto overlooked.' Something com
parable holds for the sources more generally.
In order to stress this point, in this study certain terms are used which
derive from the past yet are here used with connotations which may appear
unattractive to the modern ear. This is probably true of 'barbarians', especially
when it is linked to the concept of 'culture'. A positive approach to those who
are called 'barbarians' in the contemporary sources is the main direction of
this study; it is true, of course, that in a scholarly work of this nature the
writer is forever \vondering \Vhether he is taking too romantic a vie\v of 'the
noble savage' or whether concepts such as dignity, truthfulness, responsibility
or respect for others really apply to the medieval barbarian just as much as
courage (sometimes to the point of recklessness), endurance or loyalty.
Dolentes referimus, quod non solum quidam minores clerici, verum etiam
aliqui ecclesiarum praelati, circa commessationes superfluas et confabu
lationes illicitas, ut de aliis taceamus, fere medietatem noctis expendunt:
et somno residuum relinquentes, vix ad diurnum concentum avium
excitantur, transcurrendo undique continua syncapa matutinum.
This lament over the moral state of the clergy was formulated at the Fourth
Richter, M., 'Is Latin a key to the early medieval world?' in Odysseus-Man in history
1
today, Moscow (in Russian; to be published in German shortly: 'Latein---ein Schhisel
1991
zur Welt des Mittelalters?' in Miuellateinisches ]ahrbuch) .
.
.
Vil
Preface
VIII
Lateran Council in 5. 2 Given this context, and the strong terms used, the
12 I
state of affairs described seems to have been deeply entrenched. If this was
the situation among the clergy, 'vhat might one expect of the flock in their
charge? This study attempts to provide not an answer (for there are bound to
be very many answers) but approaches to the values held by clerics and lay
people in the early Middle Ages, often referred to as either 'dark' or 'Christian'
ages. Lateran IV may be taken to prepare one for \Vhat to expect.
It has always been very difficult to deal with developments in the early
medieval West due to the relatively meagre source material. Yet it is
unquestionably a very important period in history, for what developed then
laid the foundation of later structures. The relative paucity of available sources
also has its attraction in that frequent re-reading of them can result in nev;
insights into the \Vorld of which they form a part without being representative.
The aim and purpose of this book is to set the oral culture in the early
medieval West into the central position that belongs to it even though the
written sources suggest otherwise. As a corollary, the extant \Vritten sources
are ne\vly assessed, in a dual manner: individually, they are analysed as to what
they do tell about the oral tradition, and collectively they are considered for
\vhat they are: of rather marginal importance to much of early medieval life,
the output of the expertise of some individuals and groups possessed of no
great social prestige.
While there are many studies of the period that make passing reference
to the oral nature of much of early medieval society, they leave it at that,
presumably in the belief that this oral part of the culture cannot be studied
properly. The oral aspect of the societies is then quickly relegated to the
background, to be given no further attention, and the \vritten sources are
accepted as representative of the period. This is an understandable attitude,
but it is not the only possible one, as the present study demonstrates. Many
of the passages concerning oral culture discussed below have Jong been knO\vn
and have been commented upon individually; however, they assume a new
physiognomy \vhen properly decoded and when placed in their contemporary
cultural context. When that is done, further pieces of information not \videly
kno\vn or used can be pressed into service to strengthen our grasp of oral
culture.
True, it is only through the written sources that the oral culture can be
investigated at all, but there is a case for arguing that the \Vritten sources of
the early medieval West have in the past been overvalued. The so-called
darkness of the early medieval centuries deserves a positive approach, an
attempt to establish what makes this period of European histo1 y qualitatively
different from what had gone before and what was to follow. That this is
2 c.XVII. Conciliorum Oecumeni&orum Decreta, Alberigo, J. et al., ed., Basel 1962, p. 219
(Mansi XXII, 1003).
.
Preface
IX
certainly a difficult task-but, then, the proper treatment of the written sources
is, for any period of history, extremely difficult.
This monograph is the first attempt to deal with the oral culture in the
early medieval West directly and positively. The absence of guidelines \Vhich
this implies exposes the researcher to a freedom \vhich can sometimes feel
distinctly uncomfortable. But if it is indeed the case that the oral culture is
central to most societies at that period, it deserves all the effort necessary to
elucidate it.
It is a central concern of this book to explore \Vays in which the early
Middle Ages can be approached in a more nuanced manner with the help of
the written sources. These have to be handled carefully; their messages have
to be decoded. The sources have to be set into a broader social and cultural
context which they, in turn, illuminate, albeit insufficiently. One of the major
challenges writing this book involved \Vas the need to come to terms \vith the
phenomenon of oral cultures; however, this also proved exhilarating. As far as
oral culture is concerned, one has to learn about the characteristics of such a
culture in order to be able to approach the sources with an adequate list of
questions. In this respect modern studies of traditional societies have proved
to be of great help. Many of these societies have common basic features,
especially the importance attached to the spoken word, the care with which
language is handled, the respect shown to it. Since there is no guideline
available for the early Ages, analogies had to be sought elsewhere. It
~1iddle
is a pleasant obligation to record my debt to son1e scholars in particular whose
works I have ruminated even where I did not agree with all the ramifications
of their ideas: Eric Havelock, Albert Lord, Walter Ong, Milman Parry and
Paul Zumthor.
The nature of the topic, as well as the state of research, has contributed
to the structure of this book. In view of the lack of preliminary historical
studies, I have felt it necessary to sketch the structures of the societies in the
early medieval West while keeping in mind the largely oral nature of their
culture. (.which is only subsequently elucidated). It has proved necessary to
.
.
deal in mqre detail than originally envisaged with general issues like the nature
and potential of written sources, the strength and weakness of the Latin
language in non-Latin environments, the concepts of literacy and conversion,
and, basically, the overall perception of the sub- and post-Roman societies in
the West. In the last-mentioned field, I build on new approaches by historians
who press into service other disciplines such as anthropology, sociology or
linguistics.
In the more theoretical section, I lean rather heavily on anthropology. I
have done so in the belief that the historian, like the anthropologist, is engaged
essentially cross-cultural studies. Unlike the anthropologist, the historian does
not perhaps set out sufficiently convinced that \vhat he is investigating is
x Preface
fundamentally different from the world of his personal experience. When
investigating what appears familiar, all too easily \Vhat is unfamiliar is not given
its adequate place, even more so since the unfamiliar is much less evident in
the sources. To what extent my use of anthropological stimulation is valid
remains to be seen. I have been encouraged, however, by statements like the
following: 'Only if we abandon ... that sweet sense of accomplishment which
comes from the parading of habitual skills and address ourselves to problems
sufficiently unclarified as to make discovery possible, can we hope to achieve
work which will not just reincarnate that of the great men.'3
The available sources from the early medieval West are approached from
new angles. Incidental and sporadic references, often with pejorative under
tones, allow us to conclude that oral culture continued to be a central feature
of those societies; in other words, older institutions survived not on the margins
but at the very centre of 'Christian' societies.
One of the major results of my research is a profound conviction that the
Latin language is a most inadequate tool for grasping aspects of early medieval
cultures outside the sphere of Latin. This is of truly crucial importance to a
ne\v evaluation of these cultures; for this reason references in the sources to
the oral culture are generally quoted in full \vithout a close translation (that
would impose yet another barrier between object and observer). Instead,
arguments are presented to show why certain terms have to be understood
differently from the traditional manner. No source speaks for itself, and in the
following pages some sources familiar to historians will reveal ne\v and hitherto
unfamiliar aspects.
Due to the exceptionally rich evidence, features of oral culture in the Celtic
countries can be studied in greater depth than is possible for the continental
societies. That evidence is contained predominantly in sources written in the
vernacular rather than Latin, which is a further reason why the Celtic countries
are treated separately. However, ultimately there emerge surprising insights
into parallels or at least similarities between the Celtic and the other barbarian
societies.
Two areas hardly figure at all in this book: Spain and Scandinavia. Both
can be taken to have had a rather similar oral culture in the early medieval
centuries. However, the Arab conquest of Spain in the early eighth century
gave rise to a culture in which the sources are predominantly in Arabic, with
which I am not familiar. Scandinavian societies, on the other hand, received
Christianity and thereby alphabetic literacy so late that they fall outside the
general frame of this work.4
3 Geertz, C., 'Religion as a cultural system', in Banton, M., ed., Anthropological approaches
to the of religion, London 1966, 1-46, at 2.
stu~y
4 See most recently Boyer, Regis, La poesie scaldique (= Typologie des sources du moyen
:ige occidental fasc. 62). Turnhout 1992.
.
Preface
XI
The oral culture was intimately bound to the vernacular language of each
society. Those who deal with the history of early vernacular literature have
tended to look for antecedents of this literature and have concerned themselves
with a number of the accounts which I also adduce. However, where this study
differs fundamentally from those accounts is in the approach to the early oral
culture.5 There seem to be differences not only in quantity but also in quality
between oral culture and vernacular literature and therefore rethinking
traditional positions seems unavoidable. In this field I am exposing myself
perhaps to most criticism from experts in early medieval literature, and I can
only ask them to keep an open mind.
This book is concerned with those aspects of medieval society which were
already in existence when Christianity arrived and somehow gained a foothold.
'Barbarian' is a term with multiple meanings in the Middle Ages as had been
the case in antiquity; some of these meanings coincide, others do not. In
focusing more intensely than usual on the barbarian aspects of the early
medieval \\lest I hope to redress the balance, and this by purposefully
elaborating the strength and potential of barbarian culture, its purpose and
functions. I hope that this study will stimulate others to constructive
considerations of the nature of the oral culture and \viii encourage them to
make their own contributions in a field that is wide and whose effects can be
far-reaching.
This study does not proceed chronologically. The fact is that it is at present
not possible to write a history, in the conventional sense of this term, of the
oral culture of the early medieval West. The evidence for the oral culture,
even when it is uncovered, is very uneven. However, the nature of the oral
culture is of a kind that certain assumptions can be made \vhich do not require
continuous attestation. Thus it is possible to project from certain good evidence
to the context of other evidence \vhich is less well documented. Future studies
niay proceed differently, but at this stage the existing source evidence
necessitates a non-chronological approach.
This book has a fairly long history. My interest in communication studies is
almost as old as my professional career. At an early stage I established contacts
with Michel Banniard which have continued over the years; 1992 at last saw
the publication of his These d'Etat on written and oral communication in the
early medieval Latin countries (Viva voce). Michel Banniard has been very
supportive over the years in a field \Vhich is both difficult and undoubtedly
5 Cf. chapter The university of Freiburg im Brcisgau has hosted since 1986 a research
10.
programme on orality and literacy: 'SFB 321: Spannungsfolder und Obergange zwischen
Miindlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit'. As far as I am aware, there has been no general discussion
of either of the two central tern1s of reference as evidenced in the several dozen volumes
which have appeared under the serial title ScriptOralia.
..
XII Preface
underexplored. In 1987 Professor Leopold Genicot of Louvain-la-Neuve asked
me to write on the medieval oral tradition for the series Typologie des sources
du moyen age occidental of which he was main editor until 1992. I am most
grateful, particularly in retrospect, for the trust contained in that request. Part
of the result of the research on this topic is contained in the fascicle of the
Typo/ogie with the title 'The oral tradition in the early medieval \Vest', which
appeared in 1994. The present book builds on the results of that fascicle but
also attempts to flesh out the bare bones presented there.
In the secondary literature, I have generally stopped reading in 1992. As
of the end of 1993 I am not aware that any other study of the oral culture of
the early medieval West is imminent. Ho,vever, I should stress that the
introductory chapters do not aim at comprehensive coverage (which would be
a book in itself) but are intended as a general orientation on aspects that are
of special relevance to the chapters on oral culture.
My work on this project began shortly after I had taken up my position
at the university of Konstanz. The excellent library resources made it feasible
to pursue this wide-ranging and ambitious project. The 'Ausschul3 fur
Forschungsfragen' considered the project worth supporting financially over
six years. I gratefully acknowledge this support, as indeed that of my colleague
Alexander Patschovsky, which enabled me to employ temporary research
assistants. Without their dedicated help this work could not have been done.
I thank each of them warmly.
I am in the debt of a number of colleagues and friends for help, not all of
which is acknowledged in the notes or in the bibliography. It is a special
pleasure to thank here Jane Inglis, who has been supportive of my English
language publications for the last twenty years and more, and Michael Enright.
for their willingness to read the manuscript and very tactfully help to make it
more readable. They were very generous with a commodity which they have
in short supply-time.
During my \vork on the project, I took every opportunity to discuss aspects
of it with colleagues and friends all over the world. Here I should like to
mention several visits to Dublin and continued fruitful contracts \Vith the
members of the Board of Medieval Studies at University College Dublin to
\vhich I myself belonged for a dozen years and where I learned to cooperate
\Vith colleagues from neighbouring disciplines.
I gratefully acknowledge the opportunity I had to work at the School of
History of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton in the autumn of
1988 with its characteristic stimulating atmosphere and exceptionally good
working. conditions. I was very honoured by an invitation to the Ecole des
Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris in the spring of 1993 where I gave
lectures on the Carolingian and on the Celtic material; I should like to thank
my friend Jean-Claude Schmitt in particular. The medievalist who helped me
Preface
XIII
most all along was Aaron Gurevich, whose friendship and generosity I have
had the privilege to enjoy in Moscow, Princeton and Konstanz since 1985.
Finally, I should like to thank Michael Adams and his staff at Four Courts
Press, Dublin, for seeing the book through the press so efficiently.
Konstanz,
January 1994.
