The “Broken” Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic: Allomorphy and analogy in non-concatenative morphology

275 Pages·1998·25.87 MB·English

by  Robert R. Ratcliffe

THE "BROKEN" PLURAL PROBLEM
IN ARABIC AND COMPARATIVE SEMITIC
AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND
HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE
General Editor
E. F. KONRAD KOERNER
(University of Ottawa)
Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
Advisory Editorial Board
Henning Andersen (Los Angeles); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles)
Thomas V. Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); John E. Joseph (Edinburgh)
Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.)
E. Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo)
Volume I 68
Robert R. Ratcliffe
The "Broken" Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic
Allomorphy and analogy in non-concatenative morphology
THE "BROKEN" PLURAL PROBLEM IN
ARABIC AND COMPARATIVE SEMITIC
ALLOMORPHY AND ANALOGY IN
NON-CONCATENATIVE MORPHOLOGY
ROBERT R. RATCLIFFE
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY
AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences — Permanence of Paper for Printed
Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Ratcliffe, Robert R.
The broken plural problem in Arabic and comparative Semitic : allomorphy and analogy in non-
concatenative morphology / Robert R. Ratcliffe.
p. cm. - (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV,
Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304-0763 ; v. 168)
Revision of the first volume of the author's dissertation (doctoral-Yale Univeristy).
Includes bibliographical references and index.
I. Arabic language-Morphology. 2. Arabic language-Morphophonemics. 3. Arabic language-Num
ber. 4. Arabic language-Noun. 5. Semitic languages-Morphology. 6. Semitic languages-
Morphophonemics. 7. Semitic languages-Number. 8. Semitic languages-Noun. I. Title. II. Series.
PJ6331.R38 1998
492.7'5--dc21 98-47558
ISBN 90 272 3673 9 (Eur.) / 1 55619 884 1 (US) (Hb; alk. paper) CIP
© Copyright 1998 - John Benjamins B.V.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other
means, without written permission from the publisher.
John Benjamins Publishing Co. • P.O.Box 75577 • 1070 AN Amsterdam • The Netherlands
John Benjamins North America • P.O.Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA
CONTENTS
Foreword ix
Note on transcription/transliteration x
Chapter I: Methodological Preliminaries
1 General aims of diachronic linguistics 1
2 Diachronic investigation in morphology 4
3 Notes on reconstructive method I: Establishing the data 5
3.1 Distributional analysis and internal reconstruction 5
3.1.1 Contrasts and rules 9
3.1.2 Data, theory7, and comparative Semitics 11
3.2 Establishing correspondences among languages 13
4 Notes on reconstructive method II: Evaluating hypotheses 17
4.1 Evaluating allomorphic variation 20
Chapter II: Morphological Analysis of Arabic
1 Basic issues 22
2 Morphological rules and relationships in Arabic 24
2.1 Autosegmental morphology 25
2.1.1 Autosegmental morphology and the problem of
derivation 26
2.1.2 Prosodic templates and triconsonantal roots 27
2.2 Problems with templates 29
2.2.1 Representation of the timing tier 31
2.3 Morphological rule types 32
2.3.1 Affixation on the timing tier and affixation on the
segment tier 32
2.3.1.1 Prosodic circumscription 32
2.3.1.2 Affixation to a stem 36
2.3.2 Mapping rules 37
2.3.2.1 Vowel mapping and polarity 37
3.3.2.2 Consonant mapping 41
2.4 Templatic and affixational morphology revisited: Templates as
constraints 42
2.4.1 Two-consonant stems and default association 44
2.4.2 Strict and loose template satisfaction 48
2.4.3 Templates and prosodic feet 49
3 Organization of the lexicon 50
3.1 The form of lexical entries 50
VI THE 'BROKEN' PLURAL IN ARABIC AND SEMITIC
3.2 Levels 53
3.2.1 Implications of the level-ordering model 55
3.2.2 Syntax level morphology 58
4 Low-level phonological effects on morphology 59
4.1 Syllable structure constraints 59
4.2 Epenthesis and glide formation 61
4.2.1 Epenthesis 62
4.2.2 Glide formation 63
4.3 Syncope and glide deletion 65
4.3.1 Glide deletion 66
4.3.2 Syncope 66
Chapter III: The Arabic Noun Plural System
1 General aims 68
2 Observations on productivity and regularity 72
2.1 Classification of singular-plural groups 74
3 Analysis by singular-plural groups 77
3.1 Group (1): underived masculine nouns of three or fewer
consonants 77
3.1.1 Plurals of masculine biconsonantal stem nouns 81
3.1.2 Plurals of geminate stem nouns 83
3.1.3 Plurals of 'weak' stem triconsonantal nouns 83
3.1.3.1 Triconsonantals with stem-final glide 83
3.1.3.2 Nouns with medial long vowel or diphthong 84
3.1.3.3 Other 'weak' stem anomalies: over-expansion 87
3.2 Group (2): triconsonantal and shorter feminine nouns 88
3.2.1 Feminine biconsonantals 91
3.2.2 Geminate and 'weak' stem feminines 93
3.2.3 Collective-singulative pairs 94
3.3 Group (3): quadriconsonantal nouns 95
3.3.1 Four-consonant stems with stem-final 'weak' consonant 96
3.4 Group (4): three-consonant stems with long vowel treated
as four-consonant stems 97
3.5 Group (5): the problem of derivation of derived forms I: the
active participle CaaCiC 99
3.5.1 Glide final CaaCiG»CuCa(G)at 100
3.5.2 Minor plurals of CaaCiC: CuCuuC, etc. 101
3.6 Group (6): the problem of derivation of derived forms II:
verbal adjectives and nouns (CaCiiC, CVCaaC, etc.) 103
3.6.1 CvCaaC »?aCCiCat 104
3.6.2 CVCVVC»CuCuC 105
3.6.3 Special plurals of rational CaCiiCun: CuCaCaa?u,
?aCCiCaa?u 106
3.6.4 Plurals of adjective CaCiiC»CiCaaC 107
3.7 A general account of groups (4), (5), and (6) 107
CONTENTS Vll
3.8 Group (7) special adjectival types 111
3.8.1 Relational adjectives (nisba) 112
3.8.2 Adjectives of color and defect 112
3.8.3 The plural CuCCaan 113
3.8.4 Comparative/superlative adjectives 113
3.8.5 The plural CaCCa(y)a 114
3.9 Form and distribution of the 'sound' external plural 114
3.10 Synopsis of the Arabic level I plural system 115
apter IV: Survey of Previous Scholarship
1 Overview 117
2 The major theories 120
2.1 Brockelmann(1913) 120
2.2 Barth(1894) 122
2.3 Kurytowicz (1962, 1973) 125
2.4 Murtonen(1964) 128
2.5 Corriente(1971) 130
3 The major theories considered against the Arabic data 134
3.1 Plurals of underived masculines (Group 1) 135
3.1.1 Non-productive plurals of underived nouns 139
3.2 Plurals of underived feminines (Group 2) 140
3.3 Group (3) and Group (4) plurals 141
3.4 Group (5) plurals 142
3.5 Group (6) plurals 144
3.6 Group (7): Special adjective types 146
4 Conclusion from study of previous scholarship 147
apter V: The Comparative Semitic Evidence
1 Diachronic problems presented by the plural systems of Semitic
languages 150
1.1 The broken plural and the sub-classification of Semitic
languages 150
2 Noun pluralization in East Semitic 152
3. Noun pluralization in Northwest Semitic 153
3.1 Pluralization of the underived base noun (= Arabic groups 1
and 2) 154
3.1.1 Residual CvCuuC and CvCiiC plurals in Hebrew(?) 156
3.2 Remnants of the collective-singulative opposition 157
3.3 Pluralization of uni- and biconsonantal nouns in NW Semitic 158
3.3.1 Reduplication in the late Aramaic dialects 160
3.4 Quadriliterals and derived nouns 161
3.5 Irregular adjective plurals in Aramaic 162
3.6 Uses of the extended stem in non-plural sense in NW
Semitic 162
Vlll THE 'BROKEN' PLURAL IN ARABIC AND SEMITIC
4 Noun pluralization in Southwest Semitic 164
4.1 Ge?ez 166
4.2 Old South Arabian 172
4.3 Tigre 177
4.4 Tigrinya (partial) 186
4.5 Harsusi (dialect of Mehri) 189
4.6 Jibbali (Sheri) 196
Chapter VI: Subclassification and Reconstruction
1 Noun plural isoglosses and subclassification 204
1.1 Isoglosses defining SW Semitic against NW Semitic 206
1.2 Isoglosses linking Southern Arabian and Ethiopian Semitic
against Arabic 209
1.3 Features peculiar to Arabic 210
1.4 Innovations shared by the MSA languages 210
1.5 Innovations shared by Ethiopian Semitic 211
1.6 Noun plural isoglosses and subclassification: conclusion 211
2 Reconstruction 213
2.1 The morphological system of Proto-Semitic 213
2.1.1 Ambiguity and syncretism in Semitic morphology 214
2.1.2 Internal vs. external morphology: redundancy as a
consequence of level-ordering 215
2.1.3 Internal nominal morphology in Proto-Semitic 217
2.2 Relative distribution of internal and external plurals in Proto-
Semitic 219
2.3 Form of the internal plural of the underived noun 221
2.3.1 The three-consonant masculine noun 221
2.3.1.1 /a/vs./u/plurals 222
2.3.1.2 ?aCC... vs. CVC... 224
2.3.1.3 Long vs. short vowels 229
2.3.1.4 Plurals of the three-consonant masculine noun:
summary 230
2.3.2 Plurals of biconsonantal nouns 232
2.3.3 Plural of the feminine base noun 233
2.4 Spread of the internal plural in SW Semitic 234
2.5 Form of the external plural in Proto-Semitic 241
2.6 Conclusion 242
References 245
General Index 255
FOREWORD
This work represents a substantially revised version of the first volume of my
1992 Yale University dissertation. The overall organization, the methodological
principles employed, and the conclusions reached remain in broad outlines the
same as in the original work. Chapters V and VI, however, present much new
evidence and analysis which were not in the original dissertation. Chapter II, as
well, has been substantially revised to incorporate more recent theoretical devel
opments. The second volume of the original dissertation was devoted to the evi
dence from the non-Semitic Afroasiatic languages. I decided not to incorporate
this material in the present monograph for two reasons. First, there is simply the
problem that the monograph is long enough and the task of revision hard enough
even without this material. The second is that I began the dissertation with the
thought that the African material held the key to the solution of the problem of
plural allomorphy in southern Semitic but realized as I worked through the
material that it did not and that the solution would have to be found within
Semitic. That an adequate solution had not been found in the past was due partly
to methodological and analytical shortcomings and partly to inadequate use of the
comparative evidence, the latter inadequacy in turn due to the fact that until com
paratively recently adequate data on many of the relevant South Arabian and
Ethiopian Semitic languages had not been available. It is these inadequacies
which the present monograph aims to rectify.
The original dissertation was produced under circumstances which were not
ideal, and neither it nor the current revision could have been completed without
considerable help and encouragement. In particular, I would like to thank John
Huehnergard who first encouraged me to publish the work, even while drawing
my attention to some rather substantial errors of omission (which I hope to have
remedied in the current revision). Secondly, I would like to thank John
McCarthy, whose generous comments on an earlier version considerably influ
enced my thinking about the issues discussed in Chapters II and III. I have also
greatly benefited from the comments of Mark Smith, Donka Farkas, Fred
Renfroe, Geoff Kimball, and two anonymous reviewers at Benjamins who have
read the work in one or another of its incarnations. Finally I would like to thank
Konrad Koerner and the Benjamins organization for having agreed to review the
work, for having done so promptly, and ultimately for having agreed to accom
modate it in the CILT series.
Robert R. Ratcliffe
Tokyo, August 1998