The Arab Spring in Tunisia and its Aftermath

45 Pages·2013·0.54 MB·English

The Arab Spring in Tunisia and
its Aftermath

By Izaak Bruce
Spring 2013
Honors and School of International Service Senior Capstone
Capstone Advisor: Professor George Berg
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Table of Contents
Chapter I: The fall of Ben Ali and Tunisian Politics in the Aftermath 3
Tunisia under Bourguiba 3
Tunisia under Ben Ali 6
Long-term Causes of Rebellion 8
Immediate causes of Rebellion 11
Conclusions 13

Chapter II: A Snap Shot of Tunisian Politics 15
The Summer Elections 15
The Economy 16
The Threat of Terrorism 17
The Quest for Legitimacy 18
The Political Parties 18
Ennahda 19
The Conference for the Republic (CPR) 22
The Democratic Coalition for Work and Freedom (Ettakatol) 23
Nidaa Tunis 24
Conclusions 26

Chapter III: The U.S. Relationship with Tunisia 27
The Beginning with Bourguiba 27
Partnership with Ben Ali 30
Between the Cold War and the War on Terror 32
The War on Terror 34
The Arab Spring 36
Conclusions 37

Chapter IV: Looking Forward 40
What will happen this summer? 40
The Splintering of the Islamist Coalition 41
American Priorities 42
Opportunities for Cooperation 44

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The fall of Ben Ali and Tunisian Politics in the Aftermath
This chapter analyses the policies of Ben Ali’s regime and summarizes the reasons
behind his overthrow in 2011. But any history of Tunisia since independence must begin with
Habib Bourguiba and the progressive, secular, nation he strove to create. Secondly, it
summarizes the major policies of President Ben Ali’s regime. Third, it gives an account of the
factors which lead to its fall. Lastly, it summarizes the overall challenges facing the new
government.

Tunisia under Bourguiba
It is impossible to consider recent political events in Tunisia without touching on the
legacy of Habib Bourguiba. Bourguiba is the founding father of Tunisia and led his country
from French rule and transformed it into one of the most socially liberal nations in the Arab
World. The administration and government which Ben Ali took over in his 1987 coup were
created by Bourguiba and many of the policies remained unchanged. To understand
contemporary Tunisia, the major policies and achievements of Bourguiba’s leadership must be
examined.
Habib Bourguiba was born in Eastern Tunisia at the beginning of the 20th century.
Bourgouiba became a lawyer after receiving training in both Tunis and France. Early in his
professional career, Bourguiba became involved in politics and joined the movement for
Tunisian independence. French authorities imprisoned Bourguiba for sedition and fomenting
unrest in the late 1930s. Ironically, German authorities released Bourguida during the Second
World War in an attempt to harness Tunisian nationalism for the Axis powers. However,
Bourguiba was an uncooperative client and warned Tunisians against supporting the Axis
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because it was losing the war. After the end of WWII, Bourguida continued his efforts for
independence and was re-imprisoned by the French in 1952. Three years later Bourguiba was
released as the French government began to reanalyze its colonial policies1.
Over the next decade, Bourguiba became the leader of the Tunisian independence
movement. Taking control of the Neo-Destour party, Bourguiba coordinated low-level violence
against both the French authorities and Tunisian political opponents. In 1959, the Tunisian
constitution was ratified and Bourguiba was elected president with over 99% of the vote. While
the legitimacy of this vote is questionable, since he was the only candidate, it is certain that
Bourguiba successfully created a persona which inextricably tied himself to the independence of
Tunisia. The Tunisian system of government did not include any meaningful system of checks
and balances and Bourguiba ruled as de-facto dictator for the next 28 years2.
Habib Bourguiba rigged elections to prevent the emergence of serious electoral
challenges3. The mechanisms of political control that the 2011 revolution overthrew were
instituted during the reign of Bourguiba. Furthermore, religious expression was repressed by
government policies against group prayer. At the same time, Bourguiba did champion what he
considered to be women’s rights. The Personal Status Code, which Bourguiba passed in 1956,
ended polygamy and gave women an equal status in marriage. Bourguida strongly favored birth
control and used government programs to introduce it to the general population. Tunisia is also
unique in North Africa for allowing abortion on demand. The Hijab was officially banned in
1981 from government institutions and Bourguiba publicly declared that it was an “odious rag”.
Bourguiba opposed some values held by many Muslims, even ignoring the Ramadan fast on

1 www.Bourguiba.com (2013). "Biography." from http://www.bourguiba.com/pages/biography.aspx
2 Salem, N. (1984). Anatomy of Legitimacy. Habib Bourguiba, Islam and the Creation of Tunisia, Croom Helm Ltd:
151-166.
3 Pace, E. (2000). "Habib Bourguiba, Led Tunisia to Independence From France." Retrieved 2/25/2013, from
http://www.library.cornell.edu/colldev/mideast/bourgnyt.htm.
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national television4. In summary, Bourguiba saw himself as a social modernizer and encouraged
the growth of a secular culture in Tunisia.
Internationally, Tunisia was officially nonaligned during the Cold War and Bourguiba
maintained his Arab credentials by giving sanctuary to the PLO after it was forced to flee
Lebanon5. Although Tunisia did experiment with some communist ideas, like farm
collectivization, Bourguiba was seen as pro-Western. The Tunisian government encouraged
industry, tourism, and oil exports to bolster the economy. Overall, Tunisia adopted liberal
economic policies and attempted to foster commerce6. Bourguiba’s ultimate goal was to
modernize the Tunisian economy, just as he attempted to make society adopt secular values.
Bourguiba’s reign ended because of old age and a bungled re-trial of suspected Islamist
terrorists. In 1987, Bourguiba ordered the retrial of several arrested Islamists and threatened
their execution. This corroborated speculation that Bourguiba, already 84 years old, was
becoming senile and unfit for office. Executions were also viewed as too harsh a sentence in a
nation that typically simply imprisoned or exiled Islamist dissenters. Prime Minister Zine El-
Abidine Ben Ali led a peaceful coup and Bourguiba was forced into retirement7. Bourguiba
would spend the remainder of his life in his hometown of Monastir, where he died peacefully 13
years later8.
The life and work of Habib Bourguiba is essential to understand contemporary Tunisia.
Bourguiba led Tunisia to independence and ruled as a dictator for thirty years. The policies that

4 Bradley, J. R. (2012). The Death of Tunisia's Secularism. After the Arab Spring. New York, Palgrave Macmillan: 30-
35.
5 BBC (2000). "Habib Bourguiba: Father of Tunisia." Retrieved 2/25/2013, from
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/obituaries/703907.stm.
6 Brynen, Rex., Pete Moore, Bassel Salloukh, Marie-Joelle Zahar (2012). New Horizons in Arab Politics. Beyond the
Arab Spring: Authoritarianism & Democratization in the Arab World. Boulder, CO, Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc.:
18-19.
7 Ibid. 4 p.35
8 Ibid. 5
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Bouruiba created, including political suppression, female empowerment, and government
encouraged economic growth, would continue largely unchanged during the rule of Ben Ali.
The Arab Spring in Tunisia forced Ben Ali from power, but the regime that was overthrown was
actually the creation of Habib Bourguiba. Ben Ali’s personal corruption caused this system of
government to collapse in 2011.

Tunisia under Ben Ali
President Zine Abidine Ben Ali was a true successor of Habib Bourguiba, and the
fundamental governmental policies remained unchanged. However, it is worthwhile to
summarize these practices and examine how they changed under Ben Ali’s rule. Overall, the
most noteworthy change occurred in the repression of political dissent.
In managing the Tunisian economy, Ben Ali continued to foster trade and encourage
tourism. Notably, Ben Ali privatized many government services and nurtured foreign
investment. Gone were the flirtations with collectivization that Bourguiba attempted. Viewing
the administration as a whole, Tunisia was rather successful economically. During most of Ben
Ali’s twenty-four year rule the economy grew steadily, averaging five percent growth in GDP
per year. Per capita income tripled and peaked in 2008 at $3,786 in 20089. Income inequality
grew during the early 1990s but then plateaued and remained stable through the 2000s10. This
track record, while not comparable with the vast economic strides of nations like Brazil or China,
demonstrates that Ben Ali’s regime managed the economy fairly well.
Political repression continued during Ben Ali’s tenure. The Socialist Constitution Party,
which Bourguiba had founded, was reorganized as the Democratic Constitutional Rally. Major

9 Ibid. 4 p.38
10 Ibid. 6 p.19
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trade unions were brought into the fold and Ben Ali won multiple elections with implausible
support, garnering well over 90% of the vote11. The President offered lip service to democratic
values and competitive elections, but prevented any real opposition from competing in national
elections. Islamist parties, like the Renaissance Movement (Ennahda), were shut down in the
name of security and women’s rights. The press was kept on a tight leash and the internet was
censored. Email and phone conversations were monitored to prevent the effective organization
of political opponents12. Overall, Ben Ali’s political strategy was to promise a transition to
democracy while in reality strengthening the apparatus of political control over the nation13.
Many of these controls were created as part of Ben Ali’s counter terrorism campaign
following the September 11th attacks on the United States. A close American ally in the war on
terror, Ben Ali had Islamists and other dissidents arrested, occasionally tortured, and exiled.
Although these measures were harsh and undoubtedly violated human rights, they were
comparatively mild in comparison to actions taken by other regimes in the region, like Egypt or
Saudi Arabia. There are no reports of political opponents actually being killed by the
government during this period14. It is important to remember that Ben Ali was able to seize
power from Bourguiba partly because his predecessor had become too violent for the tastes of
Tunisians. This helps explain why the Tunisian government remained relatively benevolent
during the war on terror.
In terms of social policy, there were essentially no changes from secular goals created by
Bourguiba. Tunisian women retained the rights created by the Personal Status code and the

11 Ibid. 6 p.18
12 Angrist, M. P. (2011). "Morning in Tunisia." Retrieved 3/1/2013, from
http://www.panzertruppen.org/documentos/pdf/7.pdf
13 BBC (2011). "Profile: Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali." Retrieved 3/2/2013, from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-
africa-12196679.
14 Ibid. 4 p.36
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country remained one of the most progressive, from a western perspective, nations in the Muslim
world. In contrast to regimes like Saudi Arabia, which intrude into the lives of their citizens to
enforce morality, Ben Ali’s government was benignly uninterested. Even the LGBT community
in Tunisia rarely faced prosecution from the government, although social discrimination is still
an issue15. On the whole, the government carefully controlled political expression but allowed
Tunisians to enjoy freedom in their private lives.
In summary, Ben Ali continued the policies of his predecessor Bourguiba. Economically,
Tunisia experienced steady growth and rising individual incomes. Political repression and one
party rule endured, despite Ben Ali’s false promises for reform. If anything, Tunisians actually
became more censored as the government expanded its control to new forms of communication
like the internet. However, aside from political repression, the Tunisian government generally
left the private lives of its citizens alone. This raises the important question of why the Tunisian
revolution occurred at all. Essentially the same system of government had ruled Tunisia since
independence in the late 1950s. This government had succeeded in raising the standard of living
for ordinary Tunisians. What made the Tunisian people rise up in 2011 and why was the
government unable to counter it?

Long-term Causes of Rebellion
In analyzing the causes of the 2011 revolution it is important to distinguish between long
term and immediate causes of discontent. Many of the problems with the Tunisian government,
political repression for instance, were very long established. These factors, while important, do
not explain why the revolution came 2011. But these grievances are important for identifying

15 Mersch, S. (2012). "No gay rights revolution in Tunisia." Retrieved 3/2/2013, from http://www.dw.de/no-gay-
rights-revolution-in-tunisia/a-16364172
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what the new Tunisian government will have to accomplish to attain stability in the future. The
most consistent sources of discontent were political repression, economic stagnation, and the role
of Islam in Tunisian society.
The most obvious long-term source of discontent that Tunisian’s rebelled against was
political repression. Since Bourguiba defeated his rivals in the struggle for independence from
France, there was never a truly open political discourse in the nation. There clearly was a desire
for a more democratic government, as evidenced in Ben Ali’s rhetoric supporting competitive
elections to placate this demand. However, Ben Ali’s promises lost their credibility after over
two decades of his rule. Ben Ali acknowledged this grievance in his desperate attempts to
maintain control in January 2011. The President promised that he would not run for reelection in
2014, and that he would allow the media freedom from government censorship16. However, the
desire for representative government alone is inadequate to explain the protests in 2011. If the
Tunisians were single-mindedly determined to attain real democracy, why did they endure over
fifty years of dictatorship?
The second important grievance against the Tunisian government is the inequality of
development that the government created. Overall, Tunisia did maintain steady economic
growth since achieving independence. However, the benefits from development are strongly
concentrated along the coastal regions, with little benefits for the people living in the interior of
the nation17. Outside of the popular tourist destinations, the interior of Tunisia suffers from poor
infrastructure and worse economic opportunities18. The 2011 protests originated in the city of
Sidi Bouzid, which is located in the interior of Tunisia, and then spread across the country and

16 Ibid. 13
17 Moumneh, R. (2011). "A young man's desperation challenges Tunisia's repression." Retrieved 3/1/2013, from
http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/01/03/a_young_man_s_desperation_challenges_tunisia_s_repressi
on
18 Anderson, L. (2011). "Demystifying the Arab Spring." Foreign Affairs 90(3): 1-7.
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towards the capital. However, once again this is a long standing issue that has existed for a very
long time. For example, Bourguiba’s initiative to collectivize farming primarily affected the
interior and failed dramatically19. The failure to promote effective interior development does not
explain why the revolution happened in 2011 instead of 1977.
The third significant grievance that many Tunisians had against the government was the
secularism that it promoted. Bourguiba set out to change societal norms in Tunisian society.
This included improving the legal status of women, encouraging birth control, and banning
cultural symbols like the Hijab. Going even further, Bourguiba publicly showed his opposition
to Muslim religious duties like the Ramadan fast and group prayer. Regardless of the merit of
Bourguiba’s and later Ben Ali’s policies, it is clear that they caused constant tension in Tunisia.
For the past fifty years, the Islamists have been persecuted in Tunisia because they opposed these
government policies. It is uncertain what role the Islamists played in the 2011 revolution. Some
argue that the Islamists were uninvolved20, while others claim that they played a role in the
protests21. It is certain, that the Islamist Ennahda (Renaissance) movement won the elections for
the constituent assembly. The role of Islam in public life and law is a major issue in the
contemporary Tunisian debate.
In conclusion, the problems of political suppression, regional economic
underdevelopment, and the persecution of Islamists were long standing sources of unrest. All of
these factors played a role in the revolution that occurred in 2011. The most important was the
failure of the Tunisian government to successfully create economic opportunities in the interior
of the nation. However, it is the persecution of the Islamists and their reemergence into the
political spectrum that is dominating the current political discourse in Tunisia. But none of these

19 Ibid. 2 p.?
20 Ibid. 4 p.48
21 Ibid. 18 p. 4
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