Table Of ContentTHE AGE OF SOCIALISM 
(1865-1900) 
 
Volume VII  
of 
AN ESSAY IN UNIVERSAL HISTORY 
From an Orthodox Christian Point of View 
 
 
 
 
 
Vladimir Moss 
© Copyright: Vladimir Moss, 2020. All Rights Reserved. 
   
1
I would not be at all surprised, for instance, if suddenly and without the slightest 
possible reason a gentleman of ignoble or rather reactionary and sardonic countenance 
were to arise amid all that coming reign of universal common sense and, gripping his 
sides firmly with his hands, were to say to us all. ‘Well, gentlemen, what about giving all 
this common sense a great kick and letting it shiver in the dust before our feet simply to 
send all these logarithms to the devil so that we again live according to our silly will? 
Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoyevsky (1864). 
 
The Jewish people has rejected Christ, the true Mediator and Messiah, and therefore has 
excluded itself from history. Instead the Germans have become God's chosen people. 
   Constantin Frantz (1870s). 
 
Oh, we shall all still have to drink of his [Nietzsche’s] blood! Not one of us will be spared. 
Franz Servis (1895). 
 
It is neither blindness nor ignorance that ruins nations and states. Not for long do they 
ignore where they are heading. But deep inside them is a force at work, favoured by 
nature and reinforced through habit, that drives them forward irresistibly as long as there 
is still any energy in them. Divine is he who controls himself. Most humans recognize 
their ruin, but they carry on regardless... 
Leopold von Ranke. 
 
When I consent to be a Republican, I do evil, knowing that's what I do... I say Long live 
Revolution! As I would say Long live Destruction! Long live Expiation! Long live 
Punishment! Long live Death!  
Charles Baudelaire (1866). 
 
As long as God exists, man is a slave. 
Mikhail Bakunin. 
 
This is the final struggle. Let us come together and tomorrow the Internationale will be 
the human race. There are no supreme redeemers, no god, no Caesar, no tribune. 
Workers, let us make our own salvation.  
Eugène Pottier, L'Internationale. 
 
Freedom of conscience is a delirium. 
Pope Pius IX. 
 
The pope is not only the representative of Jesus Christ, but he is Jesus Christ Himself, 
hidden under the veil of the flesh. 
The future Pope Pius X (1895). 
 
The Jews] are at the root of the revolutionary socialist movement and of regicide, they 
own the periodical press, they have in their hands the financial markets; the people as a 
whole fall into financial slavery to them; they even control the principles of 
contemporary science and strive to place it outside of Christianity. 
K.P. Pobedonostsev to F.M. Dostoyevsky (1879). 
 
2
Our constitution is mutual love of the Monarch toward the people and the people toward 
the Monarch.  
Dostoyevsky, Letter to Maikov, no. 302. 
 
It is not civilization at all--which is shamefully preached by some—wherein the sole idea 
is that the white race must not only dominate the world, but must wipe out the other 
'coloured' races... True civilization consists in giving as many people as possible access 
to the benefits of life... Since all people originate from one man, all are children of one 
Heavenly Father; all were redeemed by the most pure blood of Christ, in Whom 'there is 
neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free.' All are brothers and must love one another--love 
one another not only in words, but in deeds as well. 
St. Tikhon, HIeromartyr Patriarch of Moscow (June 10/23, 1900). 
 
When the missionaries arrived, the Africans had the land and the missionaries had the 
Bible. They taught us how to pray with our eyes closed. When we opened them, they had 
the land and we had the Bible. 
Jomo Kenyatta. 
 
We Americans are the peculiar, chosen people, the Israel of our time; we bear the ark of 
liberties of the world. 
Herman Melville, White Jacket. 
 
We shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them, you shall not press 
down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a 
cross of gold. 
William Jennings Bryan (1896). 
 
Enlightened Europe is attracting us. Yes, the abominations of paganism that were almost 
completely cast out of the world have come from there to us. Having breathed in that hellish 
poison, we run around like madmen, forgetting our own selves. But let us remember the 
year of 1812 – why did the French come to us then? God sent them to wipe out all the evil 
we had imitated from them. Russia repented then, and God had mercy on her. But now, it 
seems that we have forgotten that lesson. 
St. Theophan the Recluse, Thoughts for each day of the Year. 
 
After God “died”, man himself became the supreme person, the only divinity… With the 
field thus cleared of supernatural encumbrances, the true approach to the divine came to 
consist in man’s probing of his own innermost states. For this century everything from 
dream analysis to the perception of relativity, became self-knowledge as the first stage to 
self-assumption. The ancient sin of hubris, man’s too-great arrogance in the face of the 
cosmos, disappeared when divine powers no longer existed outside man. Evil was confined 
to failure in confronting oneself. 
Robert Shattuck, The Banquet Years (1968). 
   
3
INTRODUCTION	
   7	
  
I.	
  THE	
  WEST:	
  THE	
  RISE	
  OF	
  GERMANY	
   9	
  
1.	
  BISMARCK	
  AND	
  THE	
  TRIUMPH	
  OF	
  PRUSSIA	
   10	
  
2.	
  THE	
  FIRST	
  INTERNATIONALE:	
  MARX	
  AND	
  BAKUNIN	
   21	
  
3.	
  POPE	
  PIUS	
  IX,	
  VATICAN	
  I	
  AND	
  THE	
  FALL	
  OF	
  THE	
  PAPAL	
  STATES	
   25	
  
4.	
  THE	
  PARIS	
  COMMUNE	
   32	
  
5.	
  DOSTOYEVSKY	
  ON	
  	
  SOCIALISM	
  AND	
  CATHOLICISM	
   37	
  
6.	
  AMERICA’S	
  RECONSTRUCTION	
   42	
  
7.	
  BISMARCK	
  AND	
  THE	
  SECOND	
  REICH	
   48	
  
8.	
  THE	
  AUSTRO-‐HUNGARIAN	
  EMPIRE	
   63	
  
9.	
  AUSTRO-‐GERMAN	
  ANTI-‐SEMITISM	
   71	
  
10.	
  WAGNER’S	
  RELIGION	
  OF	
  DEATH	
   79	
  
11.	
  NIETZSCHE	
  AND	
  THE	
  ANTICHRIST	
   91	
  
12.	
  NIETZSCHE	
  AND	
  THE	
  RELATIVISATION	
  OF	
  TRUTH	
   104	
  
II.	
  THE	
  EAST:	
  REFORM	
   110	
  
13.	
  “THE	
  NEW	
  MAN"	
   111	
  
14.	
  UNDERGROUND	
  MAN	
   117	
  
15.	
  RUSSIA	
  TURNS	
  EAST	
  (1)	
   121	
  
16.	
  METROPOLITAN	
  PHILARET	
  AND	
  CHURCH	
  REFORM	
   136	
  
17.	
  THE	
  DEVILS	
   143	
  
18.	
  GOING	
  TO	
  THE	
  PEOPLE	
   149	
  
19.	
  RUSSIAN	
  JUSTICE	
   153	
  
20.	
  RUSSIAN	
  SOCIALISM	
   161	
  
21.	
  THE	
  JEWS	
  UNDER	
  ALEXANDER	
  II	
   165	
  
22.	
  THE	
  EASTERN	
  QUESTION,	
  PAN-‐HELLENISM	
  AND	
  PAN-‐SLAVISM	
   174	
  
23.	
  THE	
  GRECO-‐BULGARIAN	
  SCHISM	
   186	
  
24.	
  AT	
  THE	
  GATES	
  OF	
  CONSTANTINOPLE	
   195	
  
4
25.	
  THE	
  RISE	
  OF	
  JEWISH	
  POWER	
   207	
  
26.	
  DOSTOYEVSKY’S	
  PUSHKIN	
  SPEECH	
   216	
  
27.	
  TSAR	
  ALEXANDER	
  II	
  AND	
  THE	
  CONSTITUTION	
   236	
  
III.	
  THE	
  WEST:	
  THE	
  CLASH	
  OF	
  EMPIRES	
   241	
  
28.	
  RELIGION	
  IN	
  AMERICA	
   242	
  
29.	
  CHRISTIANITY,	
  COMMERCE	
  AND	
  CIVILIZATION	
   248	
  
30.	
  THE	
  BRITISH	
  EXPANSION	
  IN	
  ASIA	
   258	
  
31.	
  THE	
  SCRAMBLE	
  FOR	
  AFRICA	
   264	
  
32.	
  IMPERIALISM	
  AND	
  RACISM	
   271	
  
33.	
  GERMAN	
  WELTPOLITIK	
   279	
  
34.	
  OSCAR	
  WILDE	
  AND	
  ART	
  FOR	
  ART’S	
  SAKE	
   286	
  
35.	
  POPE	
  LEO	
  XIII,	
  FREEMASONRY	
  AND	
  SOCIALISM	
   294	
  
36.	
  THE	
  WESTERNIZATION	
  OF	
  JAPAN	
   301	
  
37.	
  WELFARISM,	
  SOCIALISM	
  AND	
  CHRISTIANITY	
   307	
  
IV.	
  THE	
  EAST:	
  REACTION	
   327	
  
38.	
  THE	
  REIGN	
  OF	
  TSAR	
  ALEXANDER	
  III	
   328	
  
39.	
  THE	
  JEWS	
  UNDER	
  ALEXANDER	
  III	
   334	
  
40.	
  RUSSIA	
  AND	
  BALKAN	
  NATIONALISM	
   344	
  
41.	
  SOLOVIEV	
  ON	
  NATIONALISM	
  AND	
  CATHOLICISM	
   356	
  
42.	
  POBEDONOSTSEV	
  ON	
  LIBERALISM	
  AND	
  DEMOCRACY	
   370	
  
43.	
  TOLSTOY	
  AND	
  THE	
  VOLGA	
  FAMINE	
   383	
  
44.	
  RUSSIA’S	
  ECONOMIC	
  MIRACLE	
   388	
  
45.	
  THE	
  KOSOVAN	
  QUESTION	
   391	
  
46.	
  TSAR	
  NICHOLAS	
  II	
  AND	
  THE	
  AUTOCRATIC	
  IDEAL	
   395	
  
47.	
  THE	
  FRANCO-‐RUSSIAN	
  ALLIANCE	
   408	
  
48.	
  RUSSIA	
  TURNS	
  EAST	
  (2)	
   414	
  
49.	
  THE	
  HAGUE	
  PEACE	
  CONFERENCE	
   420	
  
5
50.	
  THE	
  RUSSIAN	
  SOCIAL	
  DEMOCRATIC	
  PARTY	
   424	
  
CONCLUSION.	
  OPTINA	
  DESERT	
  AND	
  THE	
  FUTURE	
  OF	
  RUSSIA	
   437	
  
	
    
6
INTRODUCTION 
 
     This, the seventh volume in my series An Essay in Universal History, is called 
“The Age of Socialism” because it encompasses the peak of the careers of the 
chief ideologues of socialism, Marx and Engels, and the rise of welfare socialism 
in  Germany  and  Western  Europe.  It  takes  the  story  from  the  unification  of 
Germany through the first major uprising – and defeat – of socialism in the Paris 
Commune, to the “scramble for Africa” by the great global empires of Britain, 
Europe and America. Socialism and nationalism developed in parallel, being the 
two great antipodal – that is, universalist and particularist - tendencies of the age. 
Both were kept in check for the time being by the multi-national empires. But the 
decline of Austria and Turkey elicited a nationalist ferment in Central Europe 
and the Balkans. 
 
     Only Russia among the Great Powers continued to wage that war against the 
anti-Christian, pseudo-liberational tendencies of the age – and was rewarded by 
being reviled and resented by the western Great Powers. The Great Reforms of 
Tsar Alexander II were an attempt to catch up with the west technologically and 
materially, to strengthen the country’s institutions and thereby stem the invasion 
of western heresies, especially democratism. Unfortunately, in general they had 
the opposite effect, undermining the foundations of Holy Russia and hastening 
the process of westernization, as was particularly clearly demonstrated by the 
inspired writings of Dostoyevsky, with their incisive exposure of Catholicism, 
liberalism and socialism. 
 
     Britain, with her ideology of “liberal imperialism”, continued to be the world’s 
most powerful and influential state. Thus its “share of global manufacturing 
output reached its high point at just short of 23 per cent in 1881, when it also 
produced 44 per cent of ghe world’s exported manufactured goods.”1  But it was 
rapidly being caught up by Germany, whose reunification and defeat of France 
in 1870-71, rapid economic development, and major achievements in the sciences 
and arts, combined with the destructiveness of its ruling ideas (Nietzscheanism 
and proto-Fascism), marked it out as the coming European hegemon. Impressed 
by its thrusting modernity, many visitors identified Berlin “as more American 
than European”2. And the Weltpolitik of its new Kaiser, Wilhelm II, began to force 
other Great Powers to adopt defensive measures that eventually culminated in 
the First World War.  
 
     The United States was also catching up with Britain. The end of the American 
Civil  War  in  1865  coincided  with  the  death  of  British  Prime  Minister  Lord 
Palmerston,  signifying  a  global  shift  in  hegemonic  status  from  Britain  to 
America. Palmerston had been Britain’s most assertive and, in general, successful 
foreign policy-maker, of whom John Bright said that his “administration at the 
Foreign Office was one long crime”. A firm abolitionist and liberal, who opposed 
and feared Russia all his life, but distrusted America (because of the potential 
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
1 David Cannadice, Victorious Century. The United Kingdom, 1800-1906, London: Viking, 2017, p. 
388. 
2 Charles Emmerson, 1913. The World before the Great War, London: Vintage, 2013, p. 69. 
7
threat to Canada), Palmerston would probably have opposed America’s rise if he 
had  been  able.  But  now  America  was  free  to  forge  ahead  politically  and 
economically, and by the end of the century was building up her own “liberal 
empire” in the western hemisphere. 
 
     Through the prayers of our Holy Fathers, Lord Jesus Christ, our God, have 
mercy on us! Amen.   
8
I.	
  THE	
  WEST:	
  THE	
  RISE	
  OF	
  GERMANY	
  
	
  
	
  
9
1. BISMARCK AND THE TRIUMPH OF PRUSSIA 
 
     After the Crimean War western civilization reached the peak of its power, as 
the political, economic, military and ideological influence of the West European 
nations and the United States spread all round the world. The only possible 
rivals to the West were the Ottoman Empire – which, however, was in financial 
submission to the western banks and was not without reason called “the sick 
man of Europe” – and the Russian Empire, which had just been defeated in the 
Crimea and would take time to recover. Also of increasing importance were the 
United States, whose economy, now that the Civil War was over, expanded in 
leaps and bounds, and the Far Eastern power of Japan… 
 
     The Crimean War changed much. First of all, the anti-revolutionary Triple 
Alliance of Monarchical Powers – Russia, Austria and Prussia – collapsed, as 
Austria refused to back Russia in the Crimean War, in spite of the fact that 
Austria’s triumph against the revolution in 1848 had been accomplished largely 
through Russian intervention. Secondly, Britain and France drew closer together 
as France followed Britain along the path of “liberal imperialism”, a path soon to 
be entered on also by the United States. Thirdly and probably most importantly, 
Germany  was  on  the  way  to  unification  and  becoming  the  most  powerful 
nation-state in Europe. Adopting a more conservative model of imperialism, it 
would become a serious rival to the old imperial powers of Britain and France 
(Russian imperialism, as we shall see, was sui generis); the contest between the 
two models would be fought in the First World War.  
 
     “In little over two decades,” writes Sir Richard Evans, “from 1848 to 1871, 
Europe had been transformed. Both Italy and Germany, despite the dashing of 
the nationalists’ hopes in 1848-9, had been united, though on the basis of a 
conservatively  designed  constitutional  monarchy  rather  than  a  democratic 
republic. In Germany’s case the liberals had to make do with a parliamentary 
system in which the powers of the monarchy and the army were far greater than 
they had wished them to be. Universal male suffrage was also very far from 
what  the  moderate  liberals  wanted;  they  were  more  comfortable  with  the 
situation in Italy, where a limited property franchise still applied. Gambling on 
the  loyalty  and  conservatism  of  the  rural  masses,  bold  and  imaginative 
statesmen like Napoleon III, Bismarck and Disraeli had sought to outflank the 
liberals and deliver mass support to their new conservative ideology. Reaction, 
rampant almost everywhere in 1850, had failed by the end of the decade, even in 
Russia,  despite  its  attempts  to  adapt  to  the  new  circumstances  of  the  post-
revolutionary  era.  The  Vienna  Settlement  had  been  torn  up,  Metternich’s 
immobile conservatism brushed aside, and a new political order born. It was to 
last, though with perceptible shifts and changes, almost all the way to 1914. 
After  a  short  burst  of  rapid  boundary  changes  and  the  formation  of  new 
geopolitical  entities,  the  major  states  of  Europe  –  Britain,  France,  Germany, 
Austro-Hungary, Russia, the Ottoman Empire – and many of the minor ones, 
from the Balkans to Scandinavia, remained within more or less stable borders for 
over four decades after 1870. 
 
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