Terrorism Revisited: Islamism, Political Violence and State-Sponsorship

230 Pages·2017·2.91 MB·English

by  Paulo Casaca

Contemporary South Asian Studies
Paulo Casaca
Siegfried O. Wolf Editors
Terrorism
Revisited
Islamism, Political Violence and
State-Sponsorship
Contemporary South Asian Studies
Serieseditor
PauloCasaca
Brussels,Belgium
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Paulo Casaca (cid:129) Siegfried O. Wolf
Editors
Terrorism Revisited
Islamism, Political Violence and
State-Sponsorship
Editors
PauloCasaca SiegfriedO.Wolf
SouthAsiaDemocraticForum(SADF) SouthAsiaDemocraticForum(SADF)
Brussels,Belgium Brussels,Belgium
ISSN2509-4173 ISSN2509-4181 (electronic)
ContemporarySouthAsianStudies
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Preface
Redefining Terrorism
Like is often the case with other evils, terrorism is not easy either to define or
recognise. The importance of doing so, however, increased dramatically in the
wakeofasuccessionofmonstrousactsofviolencefollowing9/11.Wededicatethe
first part of the book, Chaps. 1 and 2, to the conceptualdiscussion of terrorismin
general and to the discussion of the existence of a specific sort of contemporary
terrorism.
Whereas it would be impossible to assess the hundreds of existing definitions,
on purpose, we skipped references to the most tautological, optionally normative
or descriptive ones. We examine a select group of legal and academic
definitions—while the most authoritative authors are also the most prolific, they
are not necessarily the most consistent—to get to what we think is the essence of
terrorism: a disproportionate psychological impact in relation to the violence
employed.
Thisdefinitionentailsthatthecoreoftheproblemof“terrorism”isnotthelevel
of brutality which it shares with other forms of political violence but the way it
impacts the mind of itsultimatevictims, who are notjust the ones who suffer the
immediate terror; the most important target is the rest of population that is
“horrified”bytheactandanarrativemouldedbytheterroristsandbythemedia.
Whilethisisanarrowdefinition,wewillseeitistheonlyonethatmakessense
ofahistoryfullofdisparateexperienceswhichcannotbedemarcatedbyanyother
ethical or psychological standards or criteria. As Walter Laqueur repeatedly
stressed, there is little to no common ground between the historic Russians Sofia
PerovskayaandVeraFignerandourcontemporaries,UlrikeMeinhofandPatricia
Hearst.
Regardless of its diversity and the disparate assessments resulting from its
evaluation, it is possible to identify a “pure terrorism” which seldom achieves its
aims,exceptinsomecaseswhereitseekstoachieveveryspecificobjectives.
While successful violent political strategies most often encompass terrorism,
theyarenotlimitedtosimpleattacks.Terrorismmaydevelopintoguerrillawarfare,
v
vi Preface
insurgency,commoncriminalityoranumberofotherforms ofunconventionalor
even conventional warfare. It is most dangerous and prone to develop into a full-
fledgedwarinthecaseofstate-sponsoredterrorism.
Whereas we will find that terrorism in modern times is—naturally—different
from its historical predecessors, we do not think any of these changes entail a
change in the “nature” of terrorism that would allow us to speak of a “new
terrorism”whichwouldbefundamentallydifferentfromolderformsofterrorism.
When we consider the prospect of the use of weapons of mass destruction by
terrorists, we do not believe these would constitute a new form of terrorism—the
useofthiskindofweaponswasimaginedbyterroristideologuesevenbeforethey
existed—but rather a combination of new technologies with a previously existing
mindset.Thesameapplies,forinstance,totheuseofmodernmeansofcommuni-
cationornetworkorganisationalstructures.
Whileterrorismthatrandomlytargetspopulationsandcommitsatrocitieswith-
outscruplesisanewrealityintheWesternworld,itisnotanentirenovelty.Wecan
clearlyseethisifweenlargeourspatialandtemporalhorizon.Moretothepoint,the
mainissueisthatviolenceofthisscaleseldomremainsatthelevelofterrorismbut
mostoftendevelopsintomoremethodicaltypesofviolence.
Eventhoughmanyidentified“suicideterrorism”asaclearsignofanewtypeof
terrorism—itcanactuallybeseeninquiteadifferentwayasanunscrupulousway
ofmanipulatingweakersegmentsofthesociety.
Most of the psychosociological studies of the “fundamentalist mindset” have
ostensiblyignoredterrorisminthepast,butwethinkitistherethatweshouldlook
forabetterunderstandingoftheviolentthreatsweareconcernedwith.In“Funda-
mentalismandtheParanoidGestalt”,DavidM.Terman’sapproachappearsasthe
most promising potential analytical approach to the phenomenon, although, as it
stands,itisclearlyinsufficientlydevelopedtoperformthistask.
We dedicate the most substantial part of the book to the most symbolic case
studies. We analyse the Iranian new warfare model which was introduced as
Khomeini rose to power; mainstream Islamic fanaticism which developed into
Al-QaedaandtheCaliphateinIraqandSyria;Pakistan’sstate-sponsoredterrorism,
which intersects the preceding one but develops on particular South Asian
circumstances;theinfluenceofanti-SemitismonJihadism;theriseandfallofthe
TamilTigers,whichappliedtheJihadistrategytoacompletelydifferentideology;
andlastbutnotleasttheso-calledwaronterror,theprimaryWesternresponseto
theJihadionslaught.
Thefirststudy,authoredbyMosaZahed,isanin-depthanalysisontheevolution
of Khomeini’s doctrine and the long-brewing Jihadi Iranian ideology during the
1900s.Itshowsthatterrorismisonebutnotnecessarilythemostimportantfeature
of this fanatic paranoia. While it did play a historical role in both Hitler’s and
Khomeini’s ascension to power, terrorism was not the most decisive. However,
ruthlessviolencestemmingfromstate-sponsoredterrorism,tyrannicalsuppression
ofopponentsandexternalaggressionareallkeyfeaturesofboththeseregimes.
The use of suicide attacks as a military tactic was reintroduced after the
Second World War in the Iran-Iraq war; the Iranians in particular used child
Preface vii
soldiers and—later on—suicide car bombing at the Iraqi embassy in Lebanon.
Afterwards, similar tactics were used in state-sponsored terrorism against US,
French and Israeli interests and were soon exported to Jihadi and other terrorist
groups.
Whereas Iran’s Khomeini has been the main promoter of terrorism in contem-
porary times, it expanded upon this role with a ruthless and aggressive
expansionistagendaofglobalreach.
Thesecondstudy,authoredbyDanielBrett,isdedicatedtothemodernfanatic
movementwithinthemainbranchofIslam,whichwecantracebacktotheMuslim
BrotherhoodandthatdevelopedintoaplethoraofJihadigroupsorganisedornotin
Al-QaedaanditsmostimportantoffspringtheCaliphate.
Although often manipulated or acting on behalf of other global players, Sunni
Jihadoperatesaccordingtoitsowndistinctlogic,anditiscrucialtounderstandthe
threebasicconceptsthatunderwritetheideology:Takfir,JihadandHijra.
The chapter explores the historical significance of aforementioned events and
concludesbyexaminingthelikelytrajectoryofthecompetingnetworks,whichare
nowengagedintheconflictinIraqandSyria,andthepotentialnewscenariosthat
will emerge. The shape of Jihadism in the future will reflect what happens in the
present, particularly government responses, the nature of the security state and
addressingthegrievancesthathaveoftensustainedIslamicextremists.
The third study, authored by Siegfried O. Wolf, analyses the phenomenon of
state-sponsored terrorism in Pakistan, as it tries to adapt Jihadism to serve its
national and international interests, using it as a diplomatic tool. Pakistan’s flirt
withJihadismstemsfromitsinabilitytopursueanalternativestrategy.Althoughit
is set in a very peculiar South Asian context, Jihadism in Pakistan is intrinsically
linked with the global phenomenon, as we have seen through its support to
Al-Qaedaand,mostinparticular,duetoitsnuclearcapacity.
Although the Pakistani government often loses control of the Jihadi groups it
created and fosters and is engaged in an ongoing battle with some of these rogue
groups, it continues to sponsor terrorist organisations—mostly those that operate
abroad—especiallyinAfghanistanandIndia.Thestudyconsistentlyarguesforthe
needtoradicallychangetheinternationalcommunity’spolicytowardsthecountry,
attheveryminimumidentifyingitasamajorsponsorofterrorism.
The fourth study, authored by Ma´rio Silva, is dedicated to an analysis of anti-
Semitism,anessentialcomponentofcontemporaryfanaticmovements.Whereasit
draws upon the ideology of the National Socialists in the Third Reich—the 9/11
“foot-soldiers” sympathy with Hitler is well documented in the 9/11 commission
report—Jihadists in general consider it fair game to dehumanise Jews and to act
accordingly.
The chapter argues that there is a historical link between the export of anti-
Semitism from Europe to the Greater Middle East and its development into the
ideological paranoia that fed modern radical Jihadi terrorism and it is therefore
essentialtocomprehendandcombatcontemporaryIslamistterrorism.
Thefifthstudy,authored byDjan Sauerborn,analysesthe TamilTigers fanatic
warfare and questions the common narrative that links modern terrorist methods
viii Preface
exclusivelytocontemporaryJihadism.WhiletheLTTEhadtiestoseveralJihadist
groups,themovementbehindthisspecificterroristoutletwasnotbuiltonJihadist
ideology.ThestudycontextualisestheappearanceofPrabhakaranandhistransfor-
mationofanethno-nationalistproblemintoatoolforanextremeviolentcampaign.
Furthermore, unlike religious fundamentalist groups that manipulate Holy
Scriptures to legitimise political violence and garner public support, Prabhakaran
managedhimselftobecometheultimatesourceoflegitimacy.
TheTamilTigersshowhowallgrievancesandhistoriclegitimacyusedtocreate
Jihadi fundamentalist “paranoid gestalt” may be replaced by other completely
different arguments to justify similar violent actions and strategies. Conversely,
theTamilTigers’experienceshowswemustbeawareofotherfanaticmovements
whichmaybeabletocopytheextremeviolenceandassociatedritualsofJihadism
incompletelydifferentculturalandpoliticalenvironments.
The last study focusses on the “war on terrorism”. The 9/11 national report
highlightsseveralfundamentalpointsonthenatureofthethreattotheinternational
communityposedbyJihadism,butitdoesnotfulfilitsmostimportantexpectations.
With the partial exception of improved internal security framework measures, we
thinkthatthe“waronterror”failedtoachieveitsobjectives,exactlybecauseitdid
notproperlyidentifythenatureoftheenemyresponsiblefortheattack.
Thefailuretobringthevastmajorityofthoseresponsibleforthemassivecrime
of 9/11 to justice—whether ideologues, organisers or supporters—is considered a
serious blow to the rule of law. The study finds the current hybrid solution that is
supposed to deal with the terrorist threat—which does not fall either under the
national rule of law or the international legal system—to have failed completely
andarguesinfavourofadifferentapproach.
Theappeasementofthecountriesthatwereeitherdirectlyorindirectlyinvolved
in the 9/11 attack—Iran, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia—and the unwillingness to
identify Jihadism as its main driver culminated in an unwarranted attack on Iraq.
ThisultimatelydestroyedtheIraqistateandallowedIrantodefactotakeoverthe
countryandcausedJihadismtobecomeafarbiggerthreattodaythanitwasin2001.
The book concludes that terrorism has been one of the primary tools used by
states and other groups which are involved in unconventional warfare against the
internationalcommunityunderthebannerofJihadism.However,itisnottheonly
toolandnoteventhemostimportantone.
Inorderfortheinternationalcommunitytobeabletorespondtothisunconven-
tional war, it must be able to abandon the paraphernalia of euphemisms and
designations which blur reality and to clearly identify its perpetrators (both state
and non-state). In short, it is necessary to break with the “political psychology of
appeasement”.Appeasementisalwaysadouble-edgedsword;thesamelogicwhich
preventstoidentifythewrongdoersmakesinnocentpeoplepayforitsblindness.
A vigorous response from the international community also supposes that
justified grievances from the populations that Jihadists look to manipulate are to
be answered and that the international community is not lured in going after the
wrongenemyandthatabroadalliance—comprisingallthosewhoarecommittedto
Preface ix
peace and tolerance—has to be established. To achieve this, social and economic
cohesionatagloballevelisalsoafundamentaltool.
Thisbookcameoutoftheneedtohaveaclearerunderstandingofthenewtype
of political violence which affects South Asia as it does affect the whole world,
generallydescribedas“terrorism”,andwasonlypossiblewiththecooperationofa
diverseteamofauthors.
WewarmlythankDjanSauerborn,likeourselves,workingonbehalfoftheSouth
AsiaDemocraticForum;MosaZahed,workingonbehalfofARCHumankind;and
as volunteers Ma´rio Silva, the former president of the International Holocaust
RemembranceAlliance(IHRA)andaformerpoliticianandacademic,andDaniel
Brett,abusinessintelligenceconsultantspecialisedonoil-producingcountries.We
also thank those who gave the SADF in-house support to the book of Laura
Berlingozzi,LauraSilvaandAlbinoCosta.
Thisbookwascoordinatedandcopy-editedbySADFconsultantSarahDeGeest,
wearegratefulforhercommitment,commentsandcontributions.
Brussels,Belgium PauloCasaca
SiegfriedO.Wolf