Syntax, Lexical Semantics, and Event Structure (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)

421 Pages·2010·1.6 MB·English

by  Malka Rappaport Hovav

Lexical Semantics, Syntax, and Event Structure
OXFORDSTUDIESINTHEORETICALLINGUISTICS
Generaleditors:DavidAdger,QueenMaryUniversityofLondon;HagitBorer,University
ofSouthernCalifornia
Advisoryeditors:StephenAnderson,YaleUniversity;DanielBu¨ring,UniversityofCalifornia,
Los Angeles; Nomi ErteschikShir, BenGurion University; Donka Farkas, University of
California, Santa Cruz; Angelika Kratzer, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; Andrew
Nevins,UniversityCollegeLondon;ChristopherPotts,UniversityofMassachusetts,Amherst;
Barry Schein, University of Southern California; Peter Svenonius, University of Troms(cid:2);
MoiraYip,UniversityCollegeLondon
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Lexical Semantics,
Syntax, and Event
Structure
Edited by
MALKA RAPPAPORT HOVAV, EDIT DORON,
AND IVY SICHEL
1
3
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1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Contents
GeneralPreface xi
NotesonContributors xiii
1. Introduction 1
MalkaRappaportHovav,EditDoron,andIvySichel
1.1 Overview 1
1.2 Linguisticrepresentationsofeventstructure 1
1.3 Specificissuesandthestructureofthevolume 4
1.3.1 Lexicalrepresentation 5
1.3.2 Argumentstructureandthecompositionalconstruction
ofpredicates 8
1.3.3 Syntacticandsemanticcompositionofeventstructure 12
1.4 AtributetoProfessorAnitaMittwoch 16
Part I Lexical Representation
2. ReflectionsonManner/ResultComplementarity 21
MalkaRappaportHovavandBethLevin
2.1 Rootsandeventschemas 23
2.2 Thelexicalizationconstraint 25
2.3 Refiningthenotionsofmannerandresult 26
2.4 Mannerandresultasscalarandnon-scalarchanges 28
2.4.1. Scalarchanges 28
2.4.2 Non-scalarchanges 32
2.5 Amotivationfor thelexicalizationconstraint 33
2.6 Thelexicalization constraintinalargercontext 35
2.7 Concludingremarks 36
3. Verbs,Constructions,andSemanticFrames 39
AdeleE.Goldberg
3.1 Semanticframes:profileandbackgroundframe 39
3.2 Verbs 41
3.3 Previously proposedconstraintsonaverbmeaning 42
3.3.1 Exclusivelycausally relatedsubevents? 42
vi Contents
3.3.2 Exclusivelymannerorresult/changeoflocation? 46
3.3.3 Verbmeaningsmustevokeestablishedsemanticframes 50
3.3.4 Theexistenceofaframedoesnotentailthataverb
existstolabelit 51
3.4 Predicationsdesignatedbycombinationsofverband
construction 51
3.4.1 Constraintsoncombinationsofverbandconstruction 53
3.4.2 Frames,verbs,andconstructions 56
3.5 Conclusion 57
4. ContactandOtherResults 59
NomiErteschik-ShirandTovaRapoport
4.1 Thetheoryofatoms 61
4.2 Alternatingcontactverbs 68
4.3 ‘Splash’—similarbutdifferent 71
4.4 Conclusion 75
5. TheLexicalEncodingofIdioms 76
MartinEveraert
5.1 Defining propertiesofidioms 77
5.2 (Non-)compositionality 82
5.3 Structuringthelexicon 87
5.3.1 Idiomsaspartofthelexicon 87
5.3.2 Lexicalredundancy 89
5.4 Thelexicalrepresentationofidioms 92
5.4.1 Approachestothelexicalencodingofidioms 92
5.4.2 Lexicalselection 94
5.5. Conclusion 97
Part II Argument Structure and the Compositional
Construction of Predicates
6. TheEmergenceofArgumentStructureinTwoNewSign
Languages
IritMeir 101
6.1 Historyandsocialsettingsoftwonewsignlanguages 103
6.2 Relevantaspectsofsignlanguagestructure:referential
systemandverbagreement 105
6.3 Method:sentenceproductionelicitationtask 108
6.4 Emergenceofargumentstructure:initialstages 108
Contents vii
6.4.1 Tendency towardsone-argumentclauses 109
6.4.2 Subject¼1stperson 110
6.5 Laterdevelopments:emergenceofgrammaticalsystems 112
6.5.1 Wordorder 112
6.5.2 Verbagreement 116
6.6. Conclusion 120
7. Animacy inBlackfoot:ImplicationsforEventStructureandClause
Structure 124
ElizabethRitterandSaraThomasRosen
7.0.1 Organization 126
7.1 Blackfootfinalsdonotexpresseventstructure 126
7.1.1 Stopvs.FinishinBlackfoot 129
7.1.2 NoambiguitywithalmostinBlackfoot 130
7.1.3 TheimperfectiveparadoxinBlackfoot 131
7.1.4 Summary 133
7.2 Blackfootfinalsdonotexpressargumentstructure 133
7.2.1 Differentverbclasses,sameargumentstructure 134
7.2.2 Cross-clausaltransitivityalternations 136
7.2.3 Transitivityalternationsduetonon-thematicbenefactive
objects 137
7.2.4 Summary 138
7.3 Animacy,agency,andverbclassification 139
7.3.1 Intransitiveinanimate(II)verbslackanexternal
argument 140
7.3.2 Someintransitiveanimate(IA)verbshaveanexternal
argument 143
7.3.3 Summary 146
7.4 Finalsarelightverbs(v) 147
7.5 Conclusion 151
8. LexiconversusSyntax:EvidencefromMorphologicalCausatives 153
JuliaHorvathandTalSiloni
8.1 Settingthestage 155
8.2 Twotypesofcausatives 158
8.2.1 Diagnostics:biclausalversusmonoclausalstructure 160
8.2.2 Interimevaluation 164
8.3 Noaccesstosyntacticstructure 165
8.3.1 Causativizationofcoordinations 165
8.3.2 Causativizationofraising predicates 168
viii Contents
8.4 Theformationofmorphologicalcausatives 170
8.4.1 Causativesformedinthesyntax 170
8.4.2 Lexicalcausatives 171
8.4.3 Anoteonthelex-synparameter 175
9. OntheMorphosyntaxof(Anti)CausativeVerbs 177
ArtemisAlexiadou
9.1 Settingthestage 177
9.2 Structuresandmorphologicalpatternsof(anti)causatives 181
9.2.1 Thestructures 181
9.2.2 Themorphologicalpatterns 184
9.2.3 Markedanticausativesarenotpassive 190
9.2.4 Thedistributionofthetwopatternsmakesreference
toverbclassification 192
9.3 Englishde-transitivizationprocesses 196
9.4 Productivityofthealternation 198
9.5 Conclusion 203
10. SaturatedAdjectives,ReifiedProperties 204
IdanLandau
10.1 Thebasicfacts 206
10.1.1 Thealternation:basicvs.derivedEAs 206
10.1.2 Thepossessorroleisnecessary 207
10.1.3 DerAisnecessarilystage-levelw.r.t.thepossessor 208
10.1.4 InternalargumentsinDerA 208
10.2 Theanalysis 209
10.2.1 Firstclue:evaluativenouns 210
10.2.2 TheRrelation(reification) 212
10.2.3 Unselectivesaturation 213
10.2.4 BuildingupEAs 215
10.2.5 ExplainingthepropertiesofEAs 217
10.3 ThebroaderrelevanceofRandSAT 220
10.4 Conclusionandfurtherimplications 223
Part III Syntactic and Semantic Composition
of Event Structure
11. IncrementalHomogeneityandtheSemanticsofAspectual
for-Phrases 229
FredLandmanandSusanRothstein
11.1 Twoproblems 229
Contents ix
11.2 Previousaccounts 230
11.3 Predicatetypeswhichallow modificationbyaspectual
for-phrases 234
11.4 Ourproposal 235
11.4.1 Aspectualfor-phrasesineventsemantics 235
11.4.2 Incrementalhomogeneity 236
11.4.3 Interpretationofsentenceswithbareplurals 239
11.5 Accountingfor thefactsaboutaspectualfor-phrases 241
11.5.1 States/activities andaccomplishments/achievements 241
11.5.2 Casesthatareanalysedasstatives 243
11.5.3 Gnomicreadingsofpredicateswithbareplurals 244
11.5.4 Episodicreadingsofpredicateswithbareplurals 245
11.5.5 Anoteoneating forthreehours 247
11.5.6 Achievements 248
11.5.7 Iterations 249
12. EventMeasurementandContainment 252
AnitaMittwoch
12.1 Thelengthofateliceventualities 253
12.2 Whynodoublemeasuring 254
12.3 Thelengthofteliceventualities 257
12.4 Furtherpeculiaritiesoftelicadverbials 258
12.4.1 Constraintsonmodifiersofthenumeral 258
12.4.2 Relativeshortness 261
12.4.3 Modifiedquantifiersinsidetheincrementalargument
oftheverb 263
12.4.4 Discontinuity 264
12.4.5 Questioning 264
12.5 Comparisonwiththetakeconstruction 264
12.6 Conclusion 265
13. Draw 267
ChristopherPin˜o´n
13.1 DrawinginHungarian 270
13.2 Analysingdraw 275
13.3 AcomparisonwithForbes(2003) 279
13.4 Conclusion 282
14. MorphologicalAspectandtheFunctionandDistribution
ofCognateObjectsAcrossLanguages 284
GeoffreyHorrocksandMelitaStavrou
14.1 Cognateobjectsacrosslanguages 285