Stigma Allure and White Antiracist Identity Management

23 Pages·2012·0.33 MB·English

SocialPsychologyQuarterly
Stigma Allure and White XX(X)1–23
(cid:2)AmericanSociologicalAssociation2012
Antiracist Identity DOI:10.1177/0190272512446756
http://spq.sagepub.com
Management
Matthew W. Hughey1
Abstract
This article examines how ‘‘white antiracists’’ manage a perceived, and sometimes self-
imposed,stigma.Giventhatwhitenessandantiracismareoftenframedasantonyms,white
engagementwithmatterscommonlydeemed‘‘nonwhiteissues’’ofteninvolvesapresentation
of self that unsettles established habit and expected modes of interaction. Adding to the
researchonraceandstigma,Idemonstratehowprivilegedactorsrepeatedlyconstructabro-
kenandstigmatizedwhiteandantiracistidentityinwhichmanagementofonerecreatesthe
stigmatizationoftheother.Theynotonlyaccepta‘‘spoiled’’identity(whiteness-as-racistand
antiracism-as-too-radical),butembracestigmaasmarkingsofmoralcommitmentandpolit-
icalauthenticity.Thisdynamic—whatIcallstigmaallure—illuminateshowstigma,rather
thanastatustobeshunnedorentirelyovercome,canbecomeadesiredcomponentofidentity
formation that drives and orders human behavior toward utilitarian, symbolic, and self-
creative goals.
Keywords
stigma, identity, whiteness, racism, antiracism
Michael sat near a window in the head- the alternative? Give up? It’s a struggle
quarters for the white antiracist organi- to figure it all out. But if that’s the worst
zation I call ‘‘Whites for Racial Justice’’ of my worries, then so be it’’ (Michael
(WRJ). A 36-year-old banker by profes- interview, October 2006).
sion, he accrued nearly five years in the Emerging from their prior mainstream
organization by October 2006. Leaned and synonymous relationship with the
back in his chair on a chilly autumn neutral, natural, and unmarked (e.g.,
day, he took a deep breath and stated, Bonilla-Silva (2003 [2010]); Delgado and
‘‘Whitepeople,we’re...we’reconditioned Stefancic1997; Feagin 2009),white racial
toseetheworldinracistways,asthough identities are increasingly variable and
we’rethenaturalownersandadministra-
torsoftheplanet.Thatweighsonmecon-
1MississippiStateUniversity,MississippiState,
stantly,youknow?’’Ashesettledhisgaze
USA
throughthewindowhecontinuedwithan
uncomfortable laugh. ‘‘Ha! I sometimes CorrespondingAuthor:
MatthewW.Hughey,DepartmentofSociology,
wonder if what we’re doing is pointless,
MississippiStateUniversity,207BowenHall,P.O.
because,youknow,we’rejustconditioned
BoxC,MississippiState,MS39762,USA
to feel superior. But, then again, what’s Email:[email protected]
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2 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)
debated (e.g., Hartmann, Gerteis, and in-depthinterviews).Theseactorsmanage
Croll 2009; McDermott and Samson self-perceptions of stigma by not
2005; Twine and Steinbugler 2006). only accepting a ‘‘spoiled’’ identity (i.e.,
Despite such discourse and new forms of whiteness-as-racist and antiracism-as-
overt white racial activism, ‘‘whiteness too-radical), but by embracing stigma in
and antiracism sometimes are spoken of, formsofdishonor,pathology,anddysfunc-
or writtenabout,asiftheywereantithet- tion as markings of moral commitment
ical’’ (Eichstedt 2001:446). Given the and political authenticity—a process I
hyper-racialized makeup of the United call stigma allure. These actors partake
States, it is important to study when and in a ‘‘moral career’’ (Goffman 1961:125)
how beneficiaries of the racial order both by repeatedly constructing a broken and
accept and resist that arrangement. stigmatized white identity and antiracist
Hence, the intersection of whiteness and identityinwhichmanagementofonepar-
antiracist activism emerges as a key site adoxically stigmatizes and drives the
for the examination of actors’ perceptions formation of the other. This circular
of their racial and activist identities as arrangement begs the question: what
simultaneously privileged and ‘‘stigma- identity management strategies help to
tized’’ (Goffman 1961, 1963). And it is an navigate this perceived stigma and how
unanticipated result when white antira- arethese strategies employed?
cists engage in the enthusiastic adoption
of a self-conception of both whiteness and LITERATURE REVIEW
activism as broken, deficient, disgraced,
Whiteness and White Identities
and otherwise stigmatized categories.
Social psychologists have long recog- Early sociological examinations of white-
nizedthatidentityandstigmaremaincen- ness found whites to possess a lower
tralpillarsofsocialactionandorderdueto degree of self-awareness about their
actors’ orientation to categories of human racial identity than members of other
difference and status as meaningful plat- racialgroups,aswellasarelativeinabil-
forms for activity (Granberg 2011; ity to recognize their own racial privilege
Kroska and Harkness 2006; O’Brien and racist attitudes (Du Bois [1920]
2011; Saguy and Ward 2011). This line of 1976). W. E. B. Du Bois wrote in 1899
inquiry focuses almost exclusively on that whites were largely ‘‘unconscious of
how socially disadvantaged and subordi- anysuchpowerfulandvindictivefeeling’’
nate groups manage their identities and (322). In more modern studies of white
associated forms of stigma. In turn, this respondents, Terry (1981), Feagin and
streamofresearchremainslargelydiscon- Vera (1995), and Tatum (1997) all found
nected from research on race, whiteness, that when asked about the meaning of
and racial activism (cf. Lamont and whiteness, most replied along the lines
Mizrachi2012).Moreover,howwhiteanti- of, ‘‘I’ve never really thought that much
racists manage and reproduce a conten- about it’’ (Doane 2003:7).
tiousand‘‘spoiled’’racialidentityremains While the self-invisibility of whiteness
largelyunexaminedbysociologistsofrace is an important insight, it is crucial not
andethnicity(cf.Eichstedt2001foranota- to neglect white racial consciousness.
ble exception). I address this scholarly Gallagher (1995) found that some whites
lacuna by analyzing data from an ethno- exhibit a high degree of racial conscious-
graphic study of a white antiracist ness when they are the racial minority or
organization (inclusive of 14 months of feel threatened. Other scholars (Daniels
field observations, content analysis, and 1997; Dobratz and Shanks-Meile 1997)
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Stigma Allure 3
demonstrate how challenges to the status Research on Stigma and Identity
quo can result in a defensive white racial Management
consciousness that takes the forms of
Managing a spoiled or stigmatized iden-
white nationalist groups like the Ku
tity (Goffman 1961, 1963) is an ‘‘ongoing
KluxKlan.Alongsidewhitedefensiveness
accomplishment’’ (Garfinkel 1967) in
stand whites critical of racial inequality:
that people ‘‘create, present, and sustain
from radical activist groups like
personal identities that are congruent
S.H.A.R.P. (Skin Heads Against Racial
with and supportive of the self-concept’’
Prejudice) to education-oriented groups
(Snow and Anderson 1987:1348). The
like A.W.A.R.E. (Alliance of White Anti
majority of research on stigma centers
Racists Everywhere) (Bonnett 2000a,
on the marginalized: mental patients
2000b; Eichstedt 2001; Hughey 2006,
(Goffman 1961; Kroska and Harkness
2007;O’Brien 2001).
2006), street-corner hangouts and the
Giventhesediverseformsofwhiteness,
homeless (Liebow 1967; Phelan et al.
Howard Winant (2004) argues that con-
1997), LGBT activists (Gamson 1995),
temporarywhiteracialidentityisbifurcat-
hate crime victims (Lyons 2006), nonflu-
ing. Borrowing from W. E. B. Du Bois’s
ent English speakers (Molinsky 2005),
notion of ‘‘double consciousness,’’ Winant
the overweight (Carr and Friedman
argues:
2006), and nonwhite racial groups
. . . whites, now experience a division (Storrs 1999). While stigma is often
in their racial identities. On the one assumed the exclusive province of the
hand, whites inherit the legacy of low-statused (Leary and Schreindorfer
white supremacy, from which they 1998; Link and Phelan 2001; Major and
continue to benefit. But on the other Eccleston 2004), I argue that dominant
hand, they are subject to the moral and privileged groups may also navigate
and political challenges posed to that
differing types of stigma (cf. Boven,
inheritance....Asaresult,whiteiden-
Campbell, and Gilovich 2010 on the
tities have been displaced and refig-
stigma of upper-class materialism and
ured: they are now contradictory, as
Inzlicht, Kaiser, and Major 2008 on the
well as confused and anxiety ridden,
stigma of male chauvinism).
to an unprecedented extent. It is this
situation which can be described as A second area for theoretical refine-
whiteracialdualism.(5–6) ment of stigma exists in a focal shift
fromoutlying,individualactorsthatdevi-
In examining the manifestation of ate from normative group contexts to col-
white antiracism, such white racial dual- lectively stigmatized identities (Link and
ism is apparent. Twine and Steinbugler Phelan 2001). While Goffman (1963:3)
(2006:345) remark that white antiracists suggested a need for ‘‘a language of rela-
are‘‘outsiderswithin,’’duetotheirsimul- tionships, not attributes,’’ the dominant
taneous position as beneficiaries and approachestostigmacenteronindividual
resisters of racial inequality. Despite this characteristics (cf. Fine and Asch 1988;
recentturninthetheorizingonwhiteness, Oliver 1992). Hence, research examining
social psychological analysis remains how stigma extends between, within, and
largely silent on how antiracist whites across groups—as ties that bind actors
navigateanidentitystigmatizedasinher- together while they are either excluded
ently racist and unfairly privileged yet from, orrecipientsof, social andeconomic
somehowracially redeemable. benefits—is infrequent.
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4 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)
Next, depending on situational context, practices that promote racial discrimina-
stigmamayserveasanintegralmechanism tion or racial inequality (Bonnett 2000a;
for either utilitarian task performance or O’Brien 2001). A small and descriptive
advantageous identity formations and body of work is largely celebratory of
interactions.Intheformer,thesocialscien- white antiracist activism. Scholars in
tific production of knowledge about stigma thistraditionworktouncoverwhywhites
generally hails from theories uninformed join antiracist organizations (O’Brien
by the lived experience of the stigmatized 2001; Warren 2010), the affective and
(cf. Link and Phelan 2001; Schneider social strain of white antiracist work
1988). Research geared toward participa- (O’Brien 2003), and the tensions of con-
tory examination and group verstehen comitant support for both color-blind lib-
(understanding) could well illuminate how eral individualism and color-conscious
stigma enables (rather than solely con- attention to equality (O’Brien 2000;
strains) goal attainment. In the latter, Warren2010).Anotherstrandofscholar-
oncetaskimpairmentisnolongerassumed ship critiques white antiracist work for
a priori, researchers could address how relying on essentialist notions of race
stigma may help win sympathy or legiti- (Bonnett 2000b), forbidding structural
macy from peers and thus propel the stig- analysis (Hughey 2006), constantly
matizedgrouptrajectorywithinaparticular excusing, and thus reproducing, white
‘‘moralcareer’’(Goffman1963). racist activity (Zajicek 2002), andfor cre-
Fourth, prior work emphasizes the atingamovementthatis‘‘notasociologi-
strategies by which individuals attempt callygrounded,empiricallybasedaccount
to reduce stigma: going into social isola- of the significance of race . . . it is a
tion (Goffman 1961), ‘‘passing as normal’’ morally based educational reform move-
(Goffman 1961), shunning stigmatized ment that embodies the confessional
others (Henson and Rogers 2001), ‘‘open and redemptive modes common in
confrontation’’ (Feagin 2000:245), ‘‘flam- evangelical Protestantism’’ (Niemonen
ing’’ (Rosenblum and Travis 1996:152– 2007:159). Moreover, white antiracists
54), selective disclosure and ‘‘expressive seem heavily constrained by their own
balance’’ (Simi and Futrell 2009:92–4), guilt,anger,anddenialthatgreatlylimit
and offering an alternative identity or their own antiracist agenda (Bonnett
‘‘cover story’’ (Rogers 2000:113). I add to 2000a; Srivastava 2005, 2006). Many
this body of work by showing how privi- white antiracist meetings and work-
legedactorsembracestigmaquadishonor, shops serve as dramaturgical settings
pathology,anddysfunctionasmarkingsof for profuse apology, relinquishment of
moral commitment and political authen- authority, and the confession of ‘‘bad
ticity. Some actors do not simply desire deeds’’ to other whites (Warren and
to‘‘passintonormal’’butrequireasimul- Hytten 2004).
taneous process ofstigmatization andsal-
vationinordertoachievewhatGecasand
Who Are White Antiracists?
Schwalbe (1983:79) call ‘‘self-efficacy’’—
whereby actors are ‘‘motivated to experi- There exists no definitive count of white
ence themselves as causal agents in their antiracist organizations. Research indi-
environment.’’ cates substantial variation in ideology:
from radical Marxist associations to
WHITE ANTIRACISM AND WHITES FOR organizations concerned with increasing
RACIAL JUSTICE racial diversity amid corporate America
(Hartigan 2000). Writing in Rethinking
What Is White Antiracism?
Anti-Racisms, Floya Anthias and Cathie
In broad strokes, white antiracism Lloyd (2002:62) contend: ‘‘As a political
opposes laws, policies, prejudices, and movement antiracism may be best
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Stigma Allure 5
Table1. Demographics groups, and protest or social movements
which challenge dominant social practi-
Meanyears active inorga- 4.38
ces and preconceptions.’’ Some of the
nization (median, SD) (5,2.08)
Meanage inyears (median, 36.76 morewell-knownwhiteantiracistorgani-
SD) (35,10.88) zations include the White Anti-Racist
Agerangein years 22–62 Community Action Network affiliated
Gender (male,female) (19, 2) with the Center for the Study of White
Religion
American Culture, Inc.; the White Allies
Catholic 2
Organization of Toms River, New
Protestant 12
Jersey; the United Universalism–affili-
Atheist 1
Agnostic 2 ated Anti-Racism Trainer-Organizer
‘‘Spiritual’’/other 4 Collective; Skin Heads against Racial
Whereprimarily raised Prejudice; the John Brown Party;
(geographic location) Challenging White Supremacy work-
Midwest 2
shops out of San Francisco, California;
North 3
and the People’s Institute for Survival
South 16
and Beyond (Bonnett 2000a, 2000b;
West 0
Political orientation Eichstedt 2001; Hughey 2006, 2007;
Democrat 5 O’Brien 2001).
Independent 12
Republican 1
Noaffiliation 3 Whites for Racial Justice
Relationship status
The headquarters for WRJ is located in
Single 13
a mid-Atlantic city I call ‘‘Fairview.’’
Married(mean length in 7(9)
years) Founded in the 1970s, WRJ slowly grew
Divorced 1 into a national organization of over 20
Meannumberof children 1.14 (0) chapters with a reported membership, at
(median) its height, of nearly 800. WRJ generates
Highestlevelof education attained
publications,sponsorsworkshopsandcon-
Somecollege 4
ferences, and promotes media events
Collegedegreeorequivalent 7
about what white people can do to fight
Somegraduate classes 3
Advanceddegree (MA, 7 racism. Members believe that by coming
PhD,JD,etc.) together just as whites, they take respon-
Occupational status sibilitytoopposeracismwithinthe‘‘white
Working 1 community’’ and to create a ‘‘safe space’’
Lower-middle class 3
forwhitestocontestracismandprejudice
Middleclass 8
in their own lives. Most were unmarried,
Upper-middle class 6
college educated, middle to upper-middle
Upperclass 3
Yearly income class,Protestant,withDemocraticorinde-
\$25,000 1 pendent political affiliations, overwhelm-
$25,000–$49,000 9 inglymale (seeTable 1), and 21members
$50,000–$74,000 9 of the headquarter-chapter were regular
$75,000–$99,000 0
attendees (see Table2).
$100,000. 2
ThegenderimbalanceinWRJprovides
distinctadvantages.First,asawhitemale
understood as occupying different points who was able to enact—via clothing,
on a continuum between well-organized, language,aesthetictastes,andvariousdis-
bureaucratic organizations, pressure positions—a similar racial and gendered
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6 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)
Table2. Membership
Pseudonym Age Occupation Membership (years)
Blake 22 Retail sales 2
Malcolm 44 Consultant/counselor 5
Cassandra 31 Marketing 3
Sean 62 Gardener (part-time) 6
Bret 51 Writer 7
Mark 33 Corporate sales 7
Michael 36 Banker 4.5
Patrick 28 Writer 2
Horace 41 Car salesman 4
James 36 Construction manager 4
Simon 27 Engineer 6
Philip 53 Owns grocerystore 5
Samuel 26 Works atmusic store 2
Duncan 30 Corporate sales 2.5
Tristan 30 Waiter 5
Andre 24 Graduate student 1
Colin 26 Student 1
Wayne 44 Manager of retailstore 5
Jerry 38 Music teacher 7
Sherrill 35 Consultant 8
Frederick 55 Federal government 6
persona to the majority of members, whiteness’’ Hughey 2010, 2011, 2012a,
I was often interpreted as akin to WRJ, 2012b; Lewis 2004) promises material
but not ‘‘radical’’ enough. As time wore and symbolic returns for whites.
on, members began to lay bare their Members of WRJ see whiteness as racist
beliefs about how white masculinity (as and attempt to resist this arrangement.
recipients of racial gendered privilege) Overtly challenging one’s friendship net-
informedtheir activismandhowImight works, employment relationships, and
fit within their organization. Second, as familial ties—in favor of a racial self-
a group dominated by white men, I was conception intimately tied to racism—
afforded access to the ‘‘seat of power’’ necessitates specialized identity manage-
within whiteness. I do not suggest an ment strategies. Considering such social
essentialist connection between mascu- psychological incentives, beyond a focus
linity and white racial identity, but oninstrumentalfactors,remainsanessen-
rather I highlight the historical connec- tialenterpriseifwearetoassesstheinter-
tion in which men and whites share subjective embraceof stigma.
claims to power. Third, the two female
members—highlycognizantoftheirgen-
DATA AND METHODOLOGY
dered minority status—became impor-
tantsourcesforhowdifferenttechniques In order to receive Institutional Review
andsituationsstructuredthewhiteanti- Board (IRB) approval, all potentially
racist embrace of stigma. identifying information regarding WRJ
Adherence to the dominant scripts and was changed and replaced with pseudo-
expectations associated with a proper nyms. I gained access after conducting
white identity and valorized forms of several separate meetings in which WRJ
whiteness (in the vein of ‘‘hegemonic members ‘‘interrogated’’ me. I eventually
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Stigma Allure 7
was permitted to interview members, demarcationbetweentheactorsthatpos-
attend meetings, and analyze much of sess ‘‘self-efficacy’’ and those acted upon
their private literature, communications, (Gecas and Schwalbe 1983:79). Third,
andprojects.Mystatuswasthatofadis- frames involve plot structures that con-
closed researcher who participated in nect events through causal imputation
many of the classes, workshops, and (Goffman 1983). For Whites for Racial
events sponsored by WRJ. All members Justice (WRJ), the relevant characters
consented to my presence. Moreover, I are the members’ identities in relation
habitually allowed members of WRJ to the perceived stigma of whiteness and
access to my field notes and preliminary activism. This framing emerged when
analysis so to gauge their reaction to my the (1) cast of characters were (2) clearly
observations—a technique of ethno- identified as active and/or passive in (3)
graphic fieldwork (cf. Luker 2008). Such implicit or explicit causal relationships
a reflexive approach demands that the in empirically repeated patterns.
researchermovethroughtimeandspace,
embedded with the respondents in this
STIGMAALLURE:THEAPPROPRIATION
study,touncoveradiversearrayofexpe-
OF STIGMA AND REPRODUCTION OF
riences encoded into a single data point
IDENTITY
thatwe might call ‘‘race.’’ I accomplished
this endeavor through triangulation of Akin to dominant understandings of race
data (Downward and Mearman 2007; and politics, the white antiracists in this
Olson 2004) via: (1) ethnographic field- study constructed understandings of
work (I attended their meetings, n = 27) ‘‘whiteness’’ and ‘‘antiracism’’ as essen-
along with day-to-day informal observa- tially adversative. Yet, they were
tions between May 2006 and June 2007; attracted to understandings and perform-
(2) semi-structured, in-depth interviews ancesthat,ironically,continuallysalvaged
with members (n = 21); and (3) content and restigmatized each aspect of their
analysis inclusive of newsletter issues (n identity. I found that the adequate man-
= 4), flyers (n = 10), and textual informa- agementofone (i.e.,whiteracialidentity)
tion such as electronic correspondence created the need to manage the stigma of
and office memos (n = 165). the other (i.e., antiracist identity) (see
Figure 1). This dynamic illuminates how
stigma (when both internally perceived
Empirically Identifying Strategies of
and socially shared) may be appropriated
Identity Management
and embraced (rather than a status one
Identity management strategies are not shuns or attempts to definitively over-
always directly observable, but they come) in ways that reproduce racial and
have empirical manifestations in the dis- activist identity. As one member stated:
cursive and affective framing of social ‘‘Being an antiracist means that you will
situations (Rashotte 2002). Frames are be ridiculed. That you’re a radical ideo-
‘‘relatively bounded sets of arguments logue. That you’re somehow not a real
organized around a specific diagnosis [said with emphasis] white person. . . .
or solution to some social problem’’ But I think that judgment means I’m
(Ellingson 1995:107). Three defining doing something right. . . . Being white
characteristics identify collectively held means knowing you’re racist because
frames. Frames involve a cast of charac- you’rewhite.So,ImeanifIdon’tembrace
ters involved in the action (Polletta that fault, then I’m really not antiracist,
2006). Second, they require clear not yet’’ (Interview, September2006).
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8 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)
Step 2.
Managing Stigmatized
White Racial Identity
A. Racial Objectification
B. Reduction of Racism
Step 1. C. False Equivalencies Step 3.
The Perceived Stigma of The Perceived Stigma of
“Being White” “Being Antiracist”
Stigma
A. Stigma of Segregation A. Stigma of Counter-
Allure Hegemonic Whiteness
B. Stigma of Stereotypes
B. Stigma of Racial
C. Stigma of Disunity Activism
Step 4.
Managing Stigmatized
Antiracist Identity
A. The White Badge of
Courage
B. Activism Authenticity
Figure1. TheProcess ofStigma Allure
THE PERCEIVED STIGMA OF ‘‘BEING access to an array of health, education,
WHITE’’ and employment resources. Such a reality
was a bitter pill to swallow for many
The respondents in this study perceived
members of WRJ. As Wayne expressed
theirwhitenessasinherentlystigmatized
one day while we walked through his
due to their participation in racial segre-
neighborhood:
gation, their possession of racial stereo-
types, and their lack of serious political
andsocialunificationwithpeopleofcolor. Most white people don’t realize that
‘‘diversity’’ is a far different cry from
Whilethereiscertainlyamaterialdiffer-
thatthingwemightcall‘‘trueintegra-
encebetweenthewhiteracialstigmaand
tion.’’ Yeah, I live here, there’s an
the racial stigma that often burdens peo-
Asian couple there and a few African
ple of color, I emphasize the Thomas dic-
Americanfamiliesdownthere[gestur-
tum: ‘‘If men define situations as real,
ing toward specific houses as he
they are real in their consequences’’ spoke], but we’re not really that close
(Thomas and Thomas 1928:572). In what . . . we don’t talk about ‘‘hot button’’
follows, I provide poignant examples of issues.Religion,politics,race[empha-
how these white antiracists engage in sizing the latter] are not really
a circular identity management of a per- brought up. . . . I might talk about
ceived stigmatized whiteness. theweatherorwhatcrabgrassiskill-
ingmyyard...nothingtangible...it
sucks; I know I’m a part of the prob-
The Stigma of Segregation
lem. It’s not enough to simply live
Most of the white antiracist members in here. Living beside people who look
this study lived in segregated and over- different is not ‘‘real antiracism,’’
whelmingly white neighborhoods with that’s an excuse for those that want
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Stigma Allure 9
tofeelbetterabouttheirliveswithout people. Consequently, they constantly felt
doing anything. . . . Most other markedbyawhiteracialidentitytheyper-
racially conscious whites might think ceived as watched, evaluated, and stigma-
just living here is enough. And most
tized by others. These perceptions were
whites,overall,liveonlyamongthem-
generally grounded in very real segrega-
selves. (Wayneinterview, June2006)
tionist practices. For example, Mark said,
‘‘We’re [whites are] simply kept apart
The knowledge of Wayne’s own lack of
from one another [nonwhites]. I hate how
intimate racial contact, alongside that of
it feels, like when I see interracial groups
many other whites’ racial segregation,
ofpeopleandI’mwithmyall-whitefriends
came to represent a significant personal
or whatever, I wonder if people think I’m
and racialized failing in terms of practic-
a racist because I don’t have any black or
ing both ‘‘true integration’’ and ‘‘real
Latino friends with me. . . . I hate the
antiracism.’’
way that feels. I hate it. . . . I know some
Throughout the 14 months of ethno-
people judge me’’ (Mark interview, March
graphic study with WRJ members, the
2007). In this same vein Simon told me,
topicofwhites’voluntaryandunconscious
‘‘I’veneverdatedablackgirl.It’sjustnever
racial segregation was discussed in pat-
come up. I wonder if folks think I’m racist
terned fashion. Their participation in
because of it. I’ve just never got to know
a racist social order meant they had to
a black girl that well to ask her out’’
challenge segregation in their everyday
(Simoninterview,February2007).
lives. Yet, their unwilling participation
TheseWRJmembersfeelastigmatized
in a racially segregated world stood as
strainontheirlivesbyvirtueoftheirseg-
both a mark of racialized stigma while
regated white selves. This ongoing racial
driving their antiracist activism. Michael
identityformationisheldtogetherthrough
stated:
(1) the material realities of a hypersegre-
gated social world and (2) their under-
I don’t really know what to do about
racial segregation. I’m locked into standings of that world as both viciously
the apartment I have for the next racistyetalsogrowinginpoliticallycorrect
year and even after that, I’m not surveillanceandprogressiveintent.Inthe
sure where I’ll be able to live. That former, their continued assent to segrega-
said, I hate how that makes me feel. tion (in terms of where they live, with
I absolutely hate it . . . I feel like whom they work, and their choice of
a part of the problem, I mean, I am
romantic partners) structures their self-
[said with emphasis] a part of the
perceptions as stigmatized pariahs and
problem. I just feel bad about it, like
hypocrites reaping racial privilege from
I’m a bad person. . . . I don’t know
an unequal social order. In the latter,
what I can actually do, you know, to
WRJmembershabituallypeerintoa‘‘look-
change it . . . but I know I must at
leastdosomethingtobeanantiracist. ing glass self’’ (Cooley 1902) whereby they
(Michael interview, February 2007) imagine a larger social world (especially
people of color) looking upon them with
Michaelexpressedastyleoffrustration anger,shame,orpityastheunerringben-
that many WRJ members also demon- eficiariesofwhitesupremacy.
strated. Their complicit relationships
with segregated structures of education,
The Stigma of Stereotypes
housing, and employment led many WRJ
memberstocomplainoftheirown‘‘guilt,’’ Most of the white antiracists felt a great
‘‘sadness,’’andeven‘‘immorality’’aswhite deal of frustration with the larger and
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10 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)
historical patterns of racial segregation, know,well,itwouldbeworseforpeo-
oftenlamentingthat ifothers would sim- ple of color and our friends and folks
ply‘‘wakeupandgetit,’’thensegregation that have to deal with us on a daily
basis.’’
mightdissipate.AsCassandratoldme,‘‘I
Sherrill: ‘‘Yeah, it all starts there.
hold out hope . . . folks will wake up and
Recognition, yeah? We have to admit
get it one day, you know? They have to.
the problem and live with that. . . .
We can’t keep this up, you know,
That’s the uncomfortable place we
ahyper-segregated,crazycourseanyway.
havetolive,sotospeak.’’(Fieldnotes
Sooner or later, folks will wise up’’ and audio,March 2007)
(Cassandra interview, October 2006).
The implication of this logic is that ‘‘rac- A three-part process structured the
ism’’ and ‘‘racial inequality’’ both belong accomplishment of a stigmatized white
to, and have their origins in, the realm racial identity via belief in their inherent
of ideas and prejudices. possession of racist stereotypes. First,
The collective identification of mem- members identified the prejudices and
bers’ stereotypes and prejudices in group stereotypes they held. Second, they
meetings and informal interactions reem- attempted‘‘rational’’discussionsthatcen-
phasized the stigma of their whiteness. tered on deconstructing the assumptions
My ethnographic fieldnotes and recording and myths upon which those stereotypes
from one WRJ meeting exemplify this were built. Third, they admitted that one
identity work: never purges oneself of stereotypes and
prejudices. Hence, their work was con-
Field notes: Afternoon. 12 present. stantlyreconstructedasvitalbutparadox-
Topic = ‘‘Identifying Our Prejudices’’. ically impossible to accomplish. Members
[Malcolm] led 10 min intro on import thus embraced a stigmatized white racial
of recognizing white prejudice/stereo- identityasa lifelongburden.
types. Made clear ongoing process—
never-ending. White prejudice = no
cure. Tone—moral duty to fight The Stigma of Disunity
against own prejudice even if losing
Thethirdobservedthemewastheshared
battle.
racial stigma brought about by a collec-
Audio:
tively perceived lack of solidarity with
Malcolm:‘‘So,tobegin,itmightbegoodif
people of color. As Simon told me,
wegoaroundtheroomandjustadmit,
‘‘[WRJ] is doing what it has to do. I sup-
first,youknow,toyourselfand,well,of
course to the others here, what preju- portitanditsgoals...still,wearefailing
dices we each hold. . . . It’s good to miserablyasagroup,andreallyaswhite
purgethesefromourpsyche.’’ people, as truly antiracist white folks, in
Frederick:‘‘Yesyes,butofcourse,it’snot connecting to people of color . . . we do
really purging, right? I mean, you all not have enough solidarity with them
know what I’m saying, yeah,? It’s and their struggles’’ (Simon interview,
more like admitting they’re there
August 2006).
because, it’s, it’s not like we get rid
During one WRJ meeting, both Mark
ofthemever[saidwithanuncomfort-
andMichaelengagedthequestionofracial
able laugh in which others joined]. I
unity across the color line. Mark:
mean, it’s alifelongfight.’’
‘‘Honestly I’m at wit’s end. I’ve been
Andre:‘‘That’sthethingright,it’spartof
thetaskwehavetocarryout,oncewe a member for some time now, and my
recognizeit,thatwehavetofightit.If friends know, my family knows. Hell, my
not, it’s going to be worse, and you neighbor that I only see once every few
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