Spatial Mobility, Migration, and Living Arrangements

245 Pages·2015·3.2 MB·English

by  Can M. Aybek

Can M. Aybek · Johannes Huinink
Raya Muttarak Editors
Spatial
Mobility,
Migration,
and Living
Arrangements
Spatial Mobility, Migration, and Living
Arrangements

Can M. Aybek (cid:129) Johannes Huinink
Raya Muttarak
Editors
Spatial Mobility, Migration,
and Living Arrangements
Editors
Can M. Aybek Johannes Huinink
Faculty of Social Sciences Bremen University
Bremen University of Applied Sciences Bremen , Germany
Bremen , Germany
Raya Muttarak
Wittgenstein Centre for Demography
and Global Human Capital
(IIASA, VID/ÖAW and WU)
Vienna Institute of Demography, Austrian
Academy of Sciences
Vienna , Austria
ISBN 978-3-319-10020-3 ISBN 978-3-319-10021-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-10021-0
Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London
Library of Congress Control Number: 2014953790
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015
T his work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed. Exempted from this legal reservation are brief excerpts in connection
with reviews or scholarly analysis or material supplied specifi cally for the purpose of being entered and
executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Duplication of this
publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Copyright Law of the Publisher’s
location, in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Springer.
Permissions for use may be obtained through RightsLink at the Copyright Clearance Center. Violations
are liable to prosecution under the respective Copyright Law.
T he use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of
publication, neither the authors nor the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for
any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no warranty, express or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein.
Printed on acid-free paper
Springer is part of Springer S cience+Business Media (www.springer.com)
Contents
1 Migration, Spatial Mobility, and Living Arrangements:
An Introduction ....................................................................................... 1
Can M. Aybek , Johannes Huinink , and Raya Muttarak
Part I Union and Family Formation, Partner Choice
and International Migration
2 Marriage Migration from Turkey to Germany:
Risks and Coping Strategies of Transnational Couples....................... 23
Can M. Aybek , Gaby Straßburger , and İ lknur Yüksel-Kaptanoğlu
3 Family Influence on Partner Choice of Second Generation:
What Are the Experiences of Turkish Origin
Women in Switzerland? .......................................................................... 43
Ceren Topgül
4 Fertility in Marriages Between German
Men and Marriage Migrants ................................................................. 67
David Glowsky
Part II Job-Related Mobility and Its Impacts
on Consensual Unions and Familial Relationships
5 Under Which Conditions Can Intensive
Commuting Be a Way of Life? ............................................................... 91
Gil Viry and Stéphanie Vincent-Geslin
6 Living Apart Together and Living Together Apart:
Impacts of Partnership-Related and Job-Related
Circular Mobility on Partnership Quality ............................................ 115
Michael Feldhaus and Monika Schlegel
v
vi Contents
7 The Impact of Job-Related Mobility
and Migration Intentions on Union Dissolution ................................... 139
Stefanie Kley
Part III Spatial Mobility and Its Relations with Family
Life Course Events and Living Arrangements
8 Comparing Living Arrangements of Immigrant
Young Adults in Spain and the United States ....................................... 161
Bruno Arpino , Raya Muttarak , and A gnese Vitali
9 The Residential Independence of Italian and German
University Students and Their Perception of the Labour Market ..... 189
Therese Luetzelberger
10 Post-Separation Families: Spatial Mobilities
and the Need to Manage Multi-Local Everyday Life .......................... 205
Michaela Schier
11 Residential Mobility in the Second Half of Life:
The Role of Family-Related Transitions and Retirement .................... 225
Nadja Milewski and Anett Loth
Chapter 1
Migration, Spatial Mobility, and Living
Arrangements: An Introduction
Can M. Aybek , Johannes Huinink , and Raya Muttarak
1.1 Introduction
U nderstanding the dynamics behind the spatial mobility of humans has been the
subject of interest for many academic disciplines including archeology, history,
geography, and economics. Throughout recent decades, sociology in particular has
developed a strong interest in disentangling the factors that trigger spatial mobility
and in explaining the consequences of different mobility patterns for individuals,
families and societies in general. Since the 1970s, the development of research on
international mobility has gained momentum in many Western societies (Vasta and
Vuddamalay 2 006) . Bommes (2 006) reports, for instance, that in Germany during
the 1980s and 1990s research activities related to migration in different branches of
social sciences such as education, social anthropology, sociology or political sciences
were intensifi ed. During this period working groups and research institutes dedi-
cated to the issues of migration were established and by the mid-1980s experts in
the fi eld noticed that the number of publications had increased to such an extent that
it was diffi cult for any single person to keep track of new empirical work (Treibel
1988) . From the 1990s onwards, researchers from different Western countries
increasingly began to collaborate, organize conferences, establish academic
journals and launch joint research projects (Castles and Wihtol de Wenden 2 006 ).
C. M. Aybek (*)
Faculty of Social Sciences , Bremen University of Applied Sciences , Bremen , Germany
e-mail: [email protected]
J. Huinink
Bremen University , Bremen , Germany
e-mail: [email protected]
R. Muttarak
Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital (IIASA, VID/ÖAW
and WU), Vienna Institute of Demography, Austrian Academy of Sciences , Vienna , Austria
e-mail: [email protected]
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 1
C.M. Aybek et al. (eds.), Spatial Mobility, Migration, and Living Arrangements,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-10021-0_1
2 C.M. Aybek et al.
The diversifi cation of research activities in the last quarter of the twentieth
century is partially due to new and complex patterns of migration that have emerged.
In comparison to earlier industrial periods, the circumstances under which interna-
tional migration takes place are different mainly due to the drastically increased
imbalance between origin and destination countries in terms of labor supply and
demand (Massey et al. 2 005 ). While the proportion of unemployed young people is
growing in many sending countries, societies in the economically developed desti-
nation countries are characterized to a greater extent by low birth rates and ageing
populations which results in a rather limited supply of native labor. At the same time
while new production technologies in these societies increased the need for a more
qualifi ed workforce, demand for unskilled labor for certain sectors of the economy
continues to rise. Faced with a growing negative public attitude towards immigrants
and rising domestic unemployment rates following the 2008 fi nancial crisis, gov-
ernments in most destination countries have increased their immigration control
efforts. While labor migration of highly-skilled migrants is promoted, entry of
unskilled labor is strictly controlled through measures such as the introduction of
extensive border control, restrictions on family reunifi cation and issuing of long-
term residence permits, and deportation of those who entered illegally.
A ccounting for these complex developments, research dealing with human
mobility has not only become more specialized and acknowledged as a subdisci-
pline, but migration research has also been increasingly equated to studies on inter-
national migration. In many well-known scholarly publications on migration such
as Castles and Miller’s A ge of Migration (1 993 ), Weiner’s Global Migration Crisis
(1 995 ), Cohen’s Cambridge Survey of World Migration ( 1995 ), Bretell and
Hollifi eld’s M igration Theory (2 000) and Bommes and Thränhardt’s N ational
Paradigms in Migration Research (2 005) , the term “migration” is frequently used
as an equivalent of “international migration” (cf. King and Skeldon 2 010 ).
I n light of the theoretical debates over factors that cause and nurture international
migration on a global scale that have taken place during the last decades, it seems
that the theories of migration are to a great extent fragmented along disciplinary
boundaries (Massey et al. 2 005) . Furthermore, a new academic fi eld often referred
to as “integration research” or “incorporation studies” has been established; here the
research focus is not on mobility p er se , but on how immigrants are incorporated
into host societies as well as the ways in which they themselves infl uence these
societies. This area is characterized by a separate research community with its own
agenda and theoretical perspectives. The study of international migration is there-
fore divided into “mobility studies” and “incorporation studies” (Castles and Wihtol
de Wenden 2 006 ).
The term “mobility studies”, however, is also used to indicate a different research
area that has been expanding in parallel with the emergence and advancement of novel
transportation and communication means that have transformed the lives of many
people since the late twentieth century (cf. L ück and Schneider 2 010; Schneider and
Meil 2 008 ; Schneider and Collet 2 010 ). This research on spatial mobility of individu-
als – although focusing mainly on internal mobility – also represents a large and mul-
tidisciplinary research fi eld. The theoretical approaches to the fi eld are hence as
1 Migration, Spatial Mobility, and Living Arrangements: An Introduction 3
diverse as in the case of research on international migration. Lück et al. ( 2006 ) point
out that macro sociological theories often discuss spatial mobility within the context
of social modernization (cf. Bauman 2000 ; Urry 2003 , 2010 ; Kaufmann 2002 ; Sennett
1 998) . On the one hand, mobility is presented as an important ingredient in the func-
tioning of modern societies. Authors such as Sennett (1 998 ) set forth that spatial
mobility will drastically increase due to changing working conditions in a new capi-
talist system. On the other hand, the idea is put forward that being geographically
mobile is becoming more diffi cult as institutional arrangements, such as border
security policies or visa regulations, hamper it, and technological innovations make
physical presence unnecessary. These assertions create a vagueness with respect to
the function mobility fulfi ls on the overall societal level.
In order to develop our understanding with respect to the causes and conse-
quences of spatial mobility, it has been suggested that instead of simplifi ed causal
argumentations or mechanical perspectives such as push-pull models, more dynamic
approaches that take the reciprocal effects between micro-level decisions and
macro-level conditions into account have greater explanatory power (de Haas 2 010 ).
King and Skeldon (2 010 ) argue that the division between research on internal and
international spatial mobility is arbitrary and inappropriate. They remind us that
many of the early theoretical contributions developed to explain human mobility
were based on the study of internal moves (e.g., Ravenstein 1 885 , 1 889 ; Sjaastad
1 962 ; Stouffer 1 960 ; Todaro 1 969 ; Wolpert 1 965 ) and point out that national
borders historically were not fi xed. Thus, internal movers in the past would now be
considered as international migrants due to the presence of modern national border-
lines. The notion that international migration connotes long-distance moves is also
problematic. Movement of people across borders can be very short and still includes
a change of national territory (e.g., job mobility in the border regions of France,
Belgium, Germany, and Luxembourg), whereas internal movement within large
countries such as the USA or China can be over a very long distance.
T his sharp distinction between the study of international migration and internal
mobility is due in large part to the role of the state in regulating the entry into and
exit out of its territory. Favell (2 007 : 271) underscores that “…the very process by
which collectivities manage movers by naming and counting them, and thereby
distinguishing them from nonmovers or residents, is the fundamental way in which
the territorial nation-state society constitutes itself in the fi rst place.” In addition to
immigration regulations and border controls implemented by state authorities,
entering another national territory for individuals represents a change of jurisdiction
and membership (Zolberg 1 981 ). The infl uence of the nation-state is also refl ected
in the way migration research is conducted. As comparative perspectives show,
methodological and theoretical approaches differ from country to country, as in
each context they are shaped by long-term political and intellectual developments as
well as illustrate the prevailing understanding of the relationship between the state,
society and immigration (Vuddamalay and Vasta 2 006) . In France, for instance,
research on immigration has been infl uenced by the historically developed republican
idea of cultural and political assimilation of minorities into a dominant French
culture (Brubaker 1992) . The re-production of the nation-state view and the