Table Of ContentTHF FORMS
AND FUNCTIONS OF INEQUALITY
Melvin M. Tum if, Princeton University
Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Hersey
For my sons,
Ionatharz and Zachary
I
Prentice-Hall Foundations of Modem Sociology Series
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pref ace
The fact that social inequality is found every-
where suggests that there are universal features in social structure that
generate inequality. The matching fact that inequalities vary considerably
in form, function, and scope from one society to another indicates that
these features are not uniform, and that it is useful to think of human
societies as arrayed on an imaginary continuum reaching from total
equality to total inequality. This being the case, it is the responsibility
of the social scientist to analyze the conditions under which various forms
and amounts of social inequality arise and are sustained, and what are
their consequences for the societies in which they operate. This book seeks
to make a contribution to that task.
I have found it impossible, however, to proceed systematically with
such an analysis without first dissecting a number of the leading concepts,
such as "evaluation" and "reward," to see what elements have been
brought together, perhaps unwisely, under these headings, and what theo-
retical gains might be achieved by considering these elements separately.
So, too, I have found it impossible to account for variant forms of stratiii-
cation without first elaborating the traditional conception that holds that
stratification results from the juncture of differentiation and evaluation.
In fact, there are at least four major processes at work in the operation
of any system of stratification-differentiation, ranldng, evaluation, and
v
reward-and these must be treated as separate processes if the divergent
and often apparently anomalous features of various concrete societies are
to be understood.
When the phenomenon of inequality is thus re-conceptualized, and
seen in its fuller complexity, a number of research findings that have
proven confusing-the great variability in the outcomes of studies of status
crystallization, for instance-can be managed more adequately. Limita-
tions of space have forbidden the kind of development of these new lines
of theory and research that would have been desirable. But I have tried
to suggest some of the directions in which such future research and theory
probably ought to go.
The restrictions of space also have made it impossible to deal with
the great amount of research materials in more than a passing and illus-
trative fashion. At the same time, the comp native materials-historical
and contemporaneous-have been kept in mind at all times as concepts
and generalizations were developed, so that, though many of the illus-
trative allusions are drawn from studies of American society, the Fitness of
the generalizations for the range of known societies has been a paramount
consideration.
As social scientists, we are bidden to press for the greatest possible
amount of value-neutrality and objectivity in our professional work. The
political and moral implications of social inequality are issues on which
my personal predilections are reasonably well-known. I trust that these
personal commitments have not unwittingly caused me to depart too
far from the canons of scientific procedure.
Melvin M. Tomin
vi
preface
content
S
history of thought and theory, 1
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From Plato to Marx. Karl Marx.
Max Weber. Recent Americans.
live basic characteristics of stratification, 12
~/tWo
Social Patterning. Antiquity. Ubiquity.
Diversity of Form and Amount.
Consequentiality. Summary.
the processes
of differentiation and ranking, 19
three
Differentiation of Statuses.
Ranking of Statuses.
vii
the process of evaluation, 24
four
The Action Correlates of Evaluation. Two
Dimensions of Evaluation: Prestige and Preferability.
The Scope of Evaluation; R ole-Specific Evaluation.
Generalized Evaluation or the Judgment of Over-all
Social Standing. Three Levels of Societal Evaluation.
Three Levels of Personal Evaluation. Some
Consequences of Evaluation. The Third Dimension
of Evaluation. Criteria of Evaluation. The
Subjectivity of Evaluation and Its Consequences.
Some Empirical Findings: The American Case.
~/the process of rewarding, 39
'dve
Property. Power. Psychic: Gratincatiorz.
The Relationships of Evaluation and Rewards.
Independent Variability, and Negative and Positive
Correlation of Evaluation and Rewards.
variation in systems of stratification, 47
six
Acquisition and Validation of Statuses. Sanctions.
Visibility and Durability of the Indicators of Status.
Distinctness and Homogeneity of Strata.
Stratum Consciousness and Solidarity.
consequences of stratification, I:
life-chances, 56
véeven
of
The Relationships Class: Fertility.
Mortality. Suicide. Divorce.
Sexual Deviance. Summary.
consequences of stratification, II:
life-styles, 66
eight
Characteristics of the Lower
Blue-Collar Class. Voluntary Association
Membership. Class and Religion. Class and
Family. Class and Child Rearing. Class and
Political Attitudes and Behavior. Class and
Personality. Summary.
viii
contents
problems of method, 81
nine
The Two Main Approaches. Two Basic Questions.
National Samples vs. Community Studies.
social mobility, I: methods and processes, 87
ten
Sources of Variation. Problems of Measurement.
Some Empirical Studies of Mobility. Some
Determinants of Mobility. Some Consequences of
Mobility. International Variations in Consequences.
social mobility, II: reactions to evaluation, 98
eleven
Reactions to Symbolized Inferiority. The Maintenance
of Evaluation. In Quest of Higher Rank.
Fictitious Mobility.
some theoretical problems, 106
twelve
The Inevitability of Stratification.
The Positive and Negative Functions of Stratification.
Stratification and Utilization of Talent.
selected references, 113
index, 115
ix
contents
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Since ancient times social philosophers have been
deeply concerned with economic, social, and political inequalities. They
have theorized about the naturalness, permanence, and inevitability of
such inequalities and have also asked whether they were good for any
social purpose. Today these are still leading questions of students of social
stratification. It will pay, therefore, to survey briefly what thinkers through
the ages have had to say about these and related matters?
From Plato to Marx
For Plato a new society involved not only the
implementation of justice but also the provision for social stability and
internal discipline. It was with these features in mind that he dreamed
of a society ruled by philosopher kings. The society that Plato enviSioned
is explicitly meant to be class-structured, SO that all citizens belong to one
of three classes: the Guardians, the Auxiliaries, or the Workers; the Guard-
ians were to be divided still again into ruling and nonruling groups. To
each of these major strata, separate and definite functions were assigned.
1 See Andrew Hacker, Political Theory (New York: Macmillan, 1961) for an
excellent survey.
1
