Table Of ContentSHAPING SOCIAL
IDENTITIES
AFTER VIOLENT
CONFLICT
YOUTH IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
Edited by Felicia Pratto, Iris Žeželj, Edona Maloku,
Vladimir Turjačanin, Marija Branković
Shaping Social Identities After Violent Conflict
Felicia Pratto • Iris Žeželj
Edona Maloku
Vladimir Turjačanin • Marija Branković
Editors
Shaping Social
Identities After
Violent Conflict
Youth in the Western Balkans
Editors
Felicia Pratto Iris Žeželj
Department of Psychological Sciences Faculty of Philosophy
University of Connecticut Belgrade University
Storrs, CT, USA Belgrade, Serbia
Edona Maloku Vladimir Turjačanin
Social Sciences Unit University of Banja Luka
American University in Kosovo Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Pristina, Kosovo
Marija Branković
Faculty of Media and Communications
Singidunum University
Belgrade, Serbia
ISBN 978-3-319-62020-6 ISBN 978-3-319-62021-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-62021-3
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017953929
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Foreword
A number of Enlightenment philosophers and classic social scientists
thought that as a result of social and economic progress, ethnicity would
over time lose its allure, disappear, and become a phenomenon of the
past. If these classic writers were right, the present book that focuses on
social identities of young people in ex-Yugoslavia in the early twenty-first
century would have studied other identities, and ethnicity would have
been of no concern to young people. This book, however, shows that
most, if not all, young people today in ex-Yugoslavia have to grapple with
issues surrounding ethnic identity, ethnocentrism, and ethnic prejudice
across many situations and, for many of them, ethnicity is possibly the
most prominent category when it comes to central life decisions, such as
whom to marry and whom not to marry, whom to befriend and whom
not to befriend, and where to live and where not to live.
Ethnicity has not disappeared in the regions that constituted Yugoslavia,
but in the 1980s, it strengthened and made a tremendous comeback, and
in the 1990s it was responsible for the worst intergroup violence in
Europe in the last 70 years. Previously, and for several decades, Yugoslavia
was a country where many ethnic groups happily co-existed. In certain
ways, Yugoslavia was a rarity in Europe, where most national states have
been dominated by a single ethnic majority group. A visitor to Yugoslavia
in the 1960s and 1970s encountered a tolerant and successful multi-
ethnic country. A visitor to Yugoslavia in the 1990s, however, encountered
v
vi Foreword
a very different country—a country torn by ethnic conflicts and wars, a
country that most ethnic groups wanted to leave in order to create sepa-
rate and ethnically homogeneous national states.
Contemporary social psychological consequences of the wars in the
1990s and other inter-ethnic conflicts for young people are detailed in
this book written by Iris Žeželj, Felicia Pratto, and their colleagues. This
book presents results of an ambitious research project that studied a very
large sample of young people from both ethnic majority and ethnic
minority groups in eight cities and towns within four regions of ex-
Yugoslavia. The researchers used a sophisticated research design that
included various methodologies, such as self-reports, focus groups, inter-
views, videotaping, and document analyses. They obtained very rich data,
both quantitative and qualitative, to thoroughly document what it means
to be a young person in a part of the world that consists of mutually hos-
tile and suspicious ethnic groups, with a recent history of inter-ethnic
conflict. This research depicts how young people deal with a world where
there are low levels of contact and trust between ethnic groups, and where
people exhibit strong preferences for, and idealization of, ethnic ingroups,
as well as outgroup hostility and even at times dehumanization of ethnic
outgroups. As a result of living in such a world, ethnic identity for many
young people may translate into rejection of those who are different.
This book also shows that ethnicity in ex-Yugoslavia cannot be under-
stood without reference to two other large-scale social identities, namely
those related to religion and national state. Although Yugoslavia was a
secular state propagating Marxism and atheism, in the 1980s and 1990s,
religiosity emerged as powerful force in the ethnic groups. Since classic
writings on ethnocentrism by Gumplowicz, Sumner, and Adorno and his
colleagues, we know that ethnocentrism, ethnic prejudice, and religiosity
reinforce each other, and that ethnicity has historically been often closely
aligned with religion. Although it is difficult to disentangle which comes
first, one may assume that ethnicity is more basic and ethnic groups use
religion to justify their own importance. As shown in the book, for Serbs,
ethnicity and religiosity are almost the same, and ethnic and religious
identification overlap to such an extent that they are indistinguishable:
being a Serb means being a Serbian Orthodox, and being a Serbian
Orthodox means being a Serb.
Forewor d vii
Another central large-scale social identity for young people in ex-
Yugoslavia is related to national states. A long time ago, Gestalt psycholo-
gists introduced the concepts of psychological and sociological groups.
Psychological groups are those in which the members feel a sense of
togetherness, a sense of “we,” whereas sociological groups are those into
which people feel to be externally categorized. These concepts later
became central to the social identity tradition, where psychological
groups are fundamental to our understanding of the self, group processes,
and intergroup relations. Research in this book shows that ethnic minori-
ties do not perceive their own national states as psychological groups,
whereas ethnic majorities tend to perceive an almost complete overlap
between national and ethnic groups, and for them both are psychological
groups. Further, for most ethnic minorities, there is a clear preference for
the national state where their ethnic group is dominant, but not much
attachment to or liking for their own national state. Not perceiving their
national state as a psychological group may fuel an individual decision to
leave the country, but it can also lead to intergroup conflicts and irreden-
tism. National states, therefore, mean something positive to people in the
region only to the extent that they overlap with ethnicity, but on their
own, they have little positive connotations.
Accordingly, this book shows that ethnic identity is a central large-
scale identity in ex-Yugoslavia, and the two other large-scale identities,
related to religion and national state, appear subservient to ethnic iden-
tity. A broader question that can be asked is why ethnicity has become
such a dominant force in a region where the ethnic groups for decades
happily co-existed. One answer is related to the influence of the political
elites in ex-Yugoslavia, who, starting in the 1980s, emphasized ethnic
politics. This is, however, only partly an answer. Another answer is related
to the question about why ethnicity is such a potent mobilizer and why
politicians throughout the world regularly exploit its power. Is it because
of the psychological appeal of ethnicity (e.g., its essentialism, its entitativ-
ity, its ability to make us feel good about ourselves, or its ability to help
us defend against intrapsychic fears, such as the fear of mortality)? Or is
it because social norms surrounding ethnicity are often very difficult to
transform and transcend? Or is it principally because of evolutionary
causes where ethnic groups are extensions of kinship groups, as advocated
viii Foreword
by evolutionary theorists? We still do not know the answer, and different
theorists offer different answers, but the power of ethnicity has been sur-
prisingly persistent across cultures and time periods.
One thing that is, therefore, clear is that ethnicity is here to stay, and
its power needs to be investigated and understood. This book makes an
excellent contribution to a further social psychological understanding of
the appeal of ethnicity and its consequences. The explicit power of eth-
nicity, although always dormant, is becoming visible again in Western
democracies, as evidenced in the rise of Donald Trump, whose election
was largely due to the support of many US Anglo-whites and their eth-
nocentric attitudes; as evidenced in Brexit in the United Kingdom, which
was influenced by ethnocentrism and anti-immigration attitudes of the
White English; or as evidenced in the rise of authoritarian populist politi-
cians in other Western democracies, which also draw their support from
ethnocentrism of the ethnic majority groups. The work in this book is a
well-timed addition given that ethnicity is resurfacing and is important
for understanding the contemporary world. The book is also very useful
in that it includes suggestions, based on research, for reducing the nega-
tive consequences of ethnicity and transcending the narrowness of
ethnocentrism.
Finally, it is important to point out that most contemporary main-
stream work in the area of intergroup relations, prejudice, and ethnocen-
trism is primarily from the United States, and to a lesser extent from
other English-speaking countries and several Western European coun-
tries. The United States has a very specific history of intergroup relations,
which is dominated by the relationship between Anglo-whites and blacks.
Like the United States, the other countries are wealthy and politically
strong democracies, to which many people around the world want to
migrate. These countries are, in certain ways, historical exceptions and
not representative of human groups everywhere. We, therefore, need
more work in the area of intergroup relations, prejudice, and ethnocen-
trism from other countries and ethnic groups that have different histories
and are characterized by a different nature of intergroup relations. To
fully understand intergroup relations, prejudice, and ethnocentrism, we
need to study them in all human groups. It is, therefore, of utmost impor-
tance that theories are studied and research replicated in all human
Forewor d ix
groups. The research reported in this book is a step in the right direction
as it sheds light on fundamental social psychological phenomena and
processes in a region that mainstream social psychology has not suffi-
ciently studied.
Research School of Psychology Boris Bizumic
The Australian National University,
Canberra, Australia
Preface
This book emerged out of a regional research project “From inclusive
identities to inclusive societies: Social identity complexity in Western
Balkans (SIBY)” that brought together scholars of different disciplines to
study social identifications of young people in their countries.
The team consisted of scholars from four Balkan countries: Serbia,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo* and Macedonia (Picture 1), and it was
very diverse: ethnically, linguistically, and gender-wise. The researchers
aimed to explore the way young people perceive themselves and the social
world around them, especially the way they construe their identities
based on their group memberships, and how that translates to their
acceptance of the adversarial outgroups from the region.
For a reader unfamiliar with the region, the book will portray complex
intergroup relations in the aftermath of violent conflicts. Only in the
twentieth century, the Balkans was in the heart of two world wars. After
several peaceful decades, the so-called Yugoslav wars—a bloody dissolu-
tion of a multicultural state of Yugoslavia—followed.
All ethnic groups in the region suffered at one point in recent history;
the number of military and civilian casualties (proportional to popula-
tion sizes) in the two world wars was highest in Europe (Jelavich, 1983a,
1983b; Pavlovich, 2014). In comparison to, for example, colonial rela-
tionships in which there was a clear power asymmetry between the
groups, in the Balkans it is the case that the same groups were perpetrators
xi
