Table Of ContentSEXUAL ASSAULT
ON THE
COLLEGE CAMPUS
SEXUAL ASSAULT
ON THE
COLLEGE CAMPUS
The Role of Male Peer Support
Martin D. Schwartz
Walter S. DeKeseredy
®
SAGE Publications
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Copyright © 1997 by Sage Publications, Inc.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Schwartz, Martin D.
Sexual assault on the college campus: The role of male peer support /
authors Martin D. Schwartz and Walter S. DeKeseredy.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0-8039-7026-9 (cloth: acid-free paper).—ISBN 0-8039-7027-7
(pbk.: acid-free paper)
1. Rape. 2. Acquaintance rape. 3. Sexual harassment in
universities and colleges. 4. Women college students—Crimes
against. 5. Men college students—Psychology. 6. Peer pressure.
I. Schwartz, Martin D. II. DeKeseredy, Walter S., 1959- .
HV6558.S47 1997
362.88Ό82—dc20 96-35648
00 01 02 03 10 9 8 7 6 5 4
Acquiring Editor: C. Terry Hendrix
Editorial Assistant: Dale Grenfell
Production Editor: Sherrise M. Purdum
Production Assistant: Karen Wiley
Typesetter & Designer: Andrea D. Swanson
Cover Designer: Candice Harman
Contents
Foreword vii
Preface XV
1. Sexual Assault on North American College Campuses 1
Campus Crime 2
What Is Sexual Assault? 8
The Incidence and Prevalence of Campus
Sexual Assault 9
Why Aren't Victims of Sexual Assault on
Campus Taken Seriously? 20
Summary 28
2. Male Peer-Support Theories of Sexual Assault 31
Kanin's Reference Group Theory 32
The Standards of Gratification Thesis 37
Sanday's Psychoanalytic Theory of Gang Rape 39
Male Peer-Support Models 42
Suggestions for Further Theoretical and
Empirical Work 51
Summary 56
3. Growing Up in a Rape-Supportive Culture 59
A Male-Dominated Society 60
Growing Up Male in North America 64
The Study of Masculinities 68
Sexual Abuse Before Coming to College 76
The Influence of Rape Myths 79
Pornography and Sexual Assault 84
The Rape Supportive Society and Hidden Victims 88
Woman Abuse Affects Men Also: Josh's Story 92
Summary 94
4. Factors Associated With Male Peer Support for
Sexual Assault on the College Campus 97
Alcohol Consumption 97
Male Support-Group Membership 107
The Particular Elements of Male Peer-Support Groups 118
Sports Teams and Violence Against Women 124
Absence of Deterrence 131
Summary 136
5. Prevention and Policy Implications 137
Target Hardening: Sexual Assault Prevention
Through Opportunity Reduction 139
Educational Campaigns 143
Alcohol Policies 152
Codes of Conduct and Disciplinary Procedures 157
Prevention 162
Men's Strategies 165
News-Making Criminology 170
Summary 172
Appendix: Catherine's Story 175
References 201
Index 221
About the Authors 230
Foreword
This book speaks to me on several levels. When
I read it the first time, I found myself frequently making notes in the
margins: Get this article, good example, Send to VP of Student Life,
longitudinal study needed, and so on. The loose pages of the manuscript
that I have are now well-marked with red ink; some are tea-stained,
others are dog-eared. From my experience as a teacher, researcher,
editor, and activist, this is usually the sign of a very good book—good
not only because it makes an interesting read but, more important,
because it is "useful."
As a researcher, I was struck by the book's utility in two ways.
First is the authors' attention to methodology. Throughout the book,
Schwartz and DeKeseredy highlight the difficulties inherent in re
searching a topic as sensitive as sexual assault on campus. They
discuss such issues as the best ways to word questions to potential
or actual victims as well as perpetrators, problems with various
sampling strategies, and the effects of using different types of statis
tical tests on the data. Moreover, they repeatedly remind us of the
distinction between causation and correlation. Although such discus
sions may be especially valuable to newly minted researchers and
current students of research methodology, the more experienced
among us benefit from them too. We are cautioned about the dangers
of making too sweeping claims that extend beyond the strength of
our data and our analyses. Thus, we are reminded, for example, of
the limitations of the traditional means by which we have conducted
vii
viii SEXUAL ASSAULT ON THE COLLEGE CAMPUS
studies on sexual assault and woman abuse on campus. It is clear
from the discussion in this book that longitudinal research is desper
ately needed—starting perhaps in the lower levels of elementary
school, but certainly following female and male students for a num
ber of years—to try to detect the emergence of attitudes and behav
iors supportive of and conducive to violent and abusive behaviors
and those factors that contribute to these behaviors.
The second way in which this book appealed to me as a researcher
is its contribution to theory building. Schwartz and DeKeseredy capture
the complexities involved in trying to explain sexual assault and
woman abuse on campus. They emphasize the multidimensional
nature of the problem, skillfully addressing both the suggestions of
quick-fix administrators (e.g., Ban alcohol on campus, Institute an
escort service) and the diatribes of those like Neil Gilbert, Katie
Roiphe, and John Fekete who have become media darlings of the
anti-feminist backlash. For me, however, the strongest contribution
to theory building that Schwartz and DeKeseredy have made here is
their test and refinement of the male peer-support model.
Schwartz and DeKeseredy review research showing that when
men band together strongly in groups that exclude women, they are
more likely to see women as Other. Although women are frequently
talked about in these groups, the focal points of the conversations are
typically women's sexuality (e.g., stories of sexual exploits with
particular women, how to "get" sex from women) and control or
domination of women (e.g., tales of how a woman was "put in her
place")—both of which, the authors point out, are not unrelated.
Schwartz and DeKeseredy concentrate on fraternities as sites for
validating and sustaining masculine dominance and female inferior
ity, but they also make note of other, similar sites, including lodges,
locker rooms, and taverns or bars.
Reading the research on male peer support and violence against
women called to mind for me a disturbing experience I had while
attending a conference in St. Paul, Minnesota, several years ago. The
conference hotel was full, so I had to stay at an alternate hotel in
Minneapolis. As luck would have it, this particular hotel was also
hosting the annual gathering of a liquor dealers' association, the vast
majority of whose membership was male. Integral elements of this
meeting included several components that Schwartz and DeKeseredy
identify as facilitating the degradation of women in all-male groups.
One obviously was alcohol. However, closely linked with the alco-
Foreword ix
hoi—indeed, the primary means to market it—was the sexual objec-
tification of women. Common were posters advertising various brands
of alcohol using seminude models and double entendres. These, of
course, are familiar to anyone who has ever seen a beer commercial
on television. However, there were also various items that were
apparently given out as "favors" to attendees, such as bottles in the
shape of nude women, bottle stoppers with "decorative" tops in the
shape of nude women, and drink stirrers similarly festooned with
the shapes of nude women in various poses.
There was clearly a carnival atmosphere in that hotel lobby the
final afternoon of my conference when I passed through to take the
elevator to my room. Joining me on the elevator were a young woman
and several men. Two of the men were friends who, based on the
paraphernalia they were clutching, were attending the liquor deal
ers' gathering. They loudly exchanged small talk until the elevator
made its first stop. The young woman exited alone and as she did,
one of these two men said, "So long, baby." She appeared either not
to have heard him or to have ignored him, but as the doors closed
and the elevator started again, the man looked at his friend and said,
"We'll have to come back later and teach her a lesson about friendli
ness." The two burst into laughter, with the second man adding, "Oh
yeah!" I was instantly gripped with fear. I was fearful for the young
woman, whom I didn't know and didn't know how to contact; at that
point, I couldn't even remember what floor of the hotel she had exited
on. I was also afraid for myself. Would I be next? Realizing that I was
the only woman left on the elevator fueled my concern. I didn't dare
chastise the men for their comments, not trusting any of the other
men on that elevator to support me. None of them spoke up either.
Probably less than 30 seconds passed before the elevator stopped
again, although to me the time seemed much longer. The two haras-
sers got out then, but I didn't feel much relief. I was left on the
elevator with two other men. Were they friends, I wondered? Had
the harassers' behavior encouraged them to harass as well? I couldn't
even face these men; I stood staring at the elevator doors, my body
tense. Mercifully, after a few more seconds, the elevator door opened
at my floor. I exited and took a few steps before turning to see if
anyone was behind me. Alone, I raced to my room and went inside,
finally feeling safe.
Certainly, I recognize that the harassment I witnessed is unfortu
nately commonplace and the "bonding rituals" of a virtually all-male
