Psychopathy as Unified Theory of Crime

247 Pages·2016·2.23 MB·English

by  Matt DeLisi (auth.)

MATT DELISI
PSYCHOPATHY
AS UNIFIED
THEORY OF
CRIME
PALGRAVE’S FRONTIERS IN CRIMINOLOGY THEORY
Palgrave’s Frontiers in Criminology Theory
Series Editors
Matt   DeLisi
Department of Sociology
Iowa State University
Ames ,   Iowa, USA
Alex   R.   Piquero
Criminology Program
University of Texas at Dallas
Richardson ,   Texas, USA
Frontiers in Criminology Theory advances contemporary theory and
research on two broad areas of criminological scholarship. The fi rst focal
area is on conceptual content areas that seek to explain the etiology and
developmental course of antisocial behavior. The series conceptualizes
antisocial behavior broadly to acknowledge and incorporate research from
multiple disciplinary perspectives including criminology, developmental
psychology, sociology, behavior genetics, social work, and related fi elds.
Works in this focal area include book-length developments of extant theo-
retical ideas, edited volumes of leading research within a specifi c theoretical
area (e.g., self-control theory, social learning theory, general strain theory,
etc.), and, of course, new theoretical ideas on the causes and correlates of
anti-social behavior. The second focal area encompasses the criminology
theory of the juvenile justice system, criminal justice system, and allied
social service providers. Like focal area one, the criminal justice system is
conceptualized broadly to include multiple disciplinary perspectives that
advance research on prevention, psychiatry, substance abuse treatment,
correctional programming, and criminal justice policy. Works in this focal
area include book-length developments of extant topics, edited volumes
of leading topics in criminal justice, and, of course, new theoretical and
conceptual approaches to the prevention, treatment, and management of
criminal justice clients.
More information about this series at
http://www.springer.com/series/14562
Matt   DeLisi
Psychopathy
as Unifi ed Theory
of Crime
Matt   DeLisi
Criminal Justice Studies
Iowa State University
Ames, USA
Palgrave’s Frontiers in Criminology Theory
ISBN 978-1-137-46909-0 ISBN 978-1-137-46907-6 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-46907-6
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016951216
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2 016
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A
CKNOWLEDGMENTS
In my career, I’ve written or edited more than 20 books, and the current
one was the most enjoyable, and even fun to produce despite the grav-
ity of the subject matter. In the academic world of psychopathy, I am a
man without a country in the sense that my work is located betwixt and
between the academic disciplines of criminology, criminal justice, psy-
chology, sociology, and others, and assumptions and content from these,
at times, very distinct worlds nevertheless fi gure into my thinking on
psychopaths and their criminal careers. This interdisciplinary approach is
described in Chap. 1. Because of my disparate and interdisciplinary intel-
lectual background (or maybe because I am a heretic of sorts), I found
myself disagreeing with various sacred cows found in the psychopathy
literature, and at times taking bold stances (in an academic context at
least) on the nature of psychopathy, its relation to antisocial conduct,
its existence among children and adolescents, and other issues. In that
regard, I hope that readers fi nd this book to be thought-provoking and
fun even if some of my musings are differentially offensive to the dis-
parate worlds of criminology, criminal justice, psychology, sociology,
and others. There’s likely something to please and something to annoy
everyone in these pages.
There are many joys in writing and one of them is the extraordinary
amount of learning that occurs. In writing this book, I learned much from
clinicians, academicians, and practitioners whose expertise is psychopa-
thy. Some of these persons are close friends, some are acquaintances, and
some are people I’ve never met. Irrespective of their association to me,
I’ve benefi tted greatly from their work and would like to acknowledge
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Michael Vaughn, Ray Corrado, Glenn Walters, Jesse Cale, Evan McCuish,
Jeff Mathesius, Shayne Jones, Robert Hare, Carl Gacono, Olivier Colins,
Pedro Pechorro, Hughes Hervé, Daniel Boduzek, Katie Dhingra, Agata
Debowska, Adrian Raine, Yaling Yang, Yu Gao, Andrea Glenn, Reid Meloy,
Stephen Porter, Michael Woodworth, Lee Robins, Robert Schug, Selma
Salihovic, David Farrington, Grazyna Kochanska, Josh Miller, James Blair,
Don Lynam, Randy Salekin, Scott Lilienfeld, Jeremy Coid, Steve Hart,
Alan Drury, Michael Elbert, Jerry Evans, Henrik Andershed, Stephanie
van Goozen, Essi Viding, Paul Frick, James Ray, Catherine Tuvblad, Kent
Kiehl, Robert Plomin, Terrie Moffi tt, and Ben Karpman. Thank you for
your research and insights into this disorder.
This is also my fi rst book with Palgrave Macmillan, a relationship that
I look forward to growing into many future projects. I would like to
thank Lani Oshima, Mireille Yanow, Julia Willan, and Mara Berkoff for
their support and assistance on this project.
C
ONTENTS
1 Why Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime? 1
2 Psychopathy, Its Etiology, and the Nature of Crime 15
3 Psychopathy, Assessment, and the Structure of Crime 61
4 Psychopathy and the Life-Course 97
5 Psychopathy and Criminal Offenders 1 33
6 Psychopathy and Biosocial Criminology 171
7 Psychopathy and the Criminal Justice System 1 97
8 Conclusion 2 25
References 237
Index 2 39
vii
CHAPTER 1
Why Psychopathy as Unifi ed
Theory of Crime?
INTRODUCTION
Several professional experiences served as sources of motivation to write
a book that presented psychopathy as a unifi ed theory of crime. The fi rst
relates to the current author’s clinical experiences as an expert witness and
consultant on various criminal cases involving offenders who perpetrated
multiple homicides. Almost without exception, despite variation in age,
race, ethnicity, and geographic region in which they lived, these defendants
were effectively the same person in terms of their life history. To move ret-
rospectively, they perpetrated multiple homicides either over an extended
period of time or in a single fl ashpoint of violence. These homicides were
the crescendo of a long, expansive antisocial career that involved multiple
periods of confi nement in prisons, jails, and, before that, commitment
facilities and detention centers. Their criminal career displaced any genu-
ine involvement in a legitimate career in terms of viable employment or
educational achievement. Indeed, the degree to which they were engaged
in illegal activities as evidenced by their criminal record was so staggering
that it almost seemed mythical. The commitment to antisocial behavior
documented by one arrest after another followed by an additional form of
punishment after another was nothing less than absurd. It was the same
story when reviewing materials on their behaviors during adolescence and
during childhood. What was potentially diffi cult to predict at the time
became abundantly clear in retrospect: Juvenile delinquent, thug, problem
child, angry child, disturbed child, child in need of assistance, and other
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 1
M. DeLisi, Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-46907-6_1
2 M. DELISI
indicators of behavioral dysfunction were the signals that the individual
was sharply different from others in terms of their emotional and behav-
ioral functioning. They were s harply different.
And this discussion only refers to their behaviors. Their interpersonal
style was ugly, mean, unpredictable, blaming, touchy, inconsiderate, and
insincere. The only thing more absurd than their criminal careers and their
arrest record was the offender’s genuine belief that all of the criminal activ-
ity was really other people’s faults. For every arrest, there was a justifi ca-
tion; for every violation of probation, there was an excuse; for every prison
sentence, there was a claim that the offender was the true victim. According
to these offenders, the real victims had it coming, or deserved it, or were
also criminals who shouldn’t be felt sorry for. All of this blame externaliza-
tion was uttered in a cold, detached, matter-of-fact voice that was absent of
emotion other than indignation and self-martyring, or a glimmer of anger.
Admittedly, the current author’s expert witness clinical experience
involves a relatively small number of cases, but my interaction with the
criminal justice system as a practitioner and researcher involves tens of
thousands of cases that span the tremendous variance of the criminal pop-
ulation. Very few of them were the multiple homicide offenders described
earlier. Instead, most offenders in my experience were seemingly norma-
tive individuals whose use of alcohol and other substances coincided with
their criminal activity. Thus, arrests for driving while intoxicated, public
intoxication, disorderly conduct, and related offenses are commonly seen
along with occasional assaults against a stranger, usually at a bar or club,
or against an acquaintance or intimate, usually in one’s residence. Some
offenders also incorporate property offenses, such as theft, credit card
fraud, or forgery. Other offenders burgle homes or businesses and then
sell the stolen property. A segment of the offender population frequently
carries fi rearms and other weapons, and accumulates arrests for more seri-
ous crimes including armed robbery, aggravated assaults, and other crimes
involving physical force.
The latter tens of thousands of cases embody tens of thousands of
unique personalities. But there are certainly organizing themes. Offenders
have a tendency toward behavioral approach as opposed to behavioral
withdraw. They seek sensations, experiences, thrills, and risks. Behavioral
approach is usually not the result or outcome of sustained contemplation,
but is instead reactionary, hasty, and impulsive. They do not think, and
then act. They just act. There is also a sloppiness to their lives that
facilitates bad decisions and enables and creates opportunities for bad