PRACTICE AND CONVERSION OF ASANTE MARKET WOMEN TO THE AHMADIYYA MUSLIM ...

210 Pages·2010·1.21 MB·English

PRACTICE AND CONVERSION OF ASANTE MARKET WOMEN TO THE
AHMADIYYA MUSLIM MISSION IN THE LATE 20TH CENTURY

By

Mikelle Antoine

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

History

2010
ABSTRACT

PRACTICE AND CONVERSION OF ASANTE MARKET WOMEN TO THE
AHMADIYYA MUSLIM MISSION IN THE LATE 20TH CENTURY

BY

Mikelle Antoine

Asante Islamic history does not end in the 19th century. Asante women in
particular, have been converting to the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission since the late 20th
century. This period also correlates to a time when women were victimized in Ghana as
prostitutes, witches and non patriotic. The ill treatment of women also intersected with
the failing socio-economy. Food production was at its lowest and unemployment at its
highest. Many people formed associations and consequently came to depend less on the
state and more on social and religious networks.
Converting to Islam was not without its problems. Asantes lived among Muslims
for centuries, even before the rise of the kingdom. While the monarchy welcomed the
written and linguistic knowledge of Muslims, they curtailed the spread of Islam. This
worked to maintain Islam as distinct from Asante cultural traditions. Consequently, Islam
was remained the religion of the foreigner or non-Asante. This configuration has not
changed.
Asante women who converted to Islam during this period were ostracized by their
families. Some were denied inheritance, property, titles and stools. Many left the family
home and never returned.
British colonial rule gravely affected the relationship between Muslims and the
Asante. British use of Muslim troops to topple Asante transformed the Muslims from
allies to Asante enemies. Furthermore, British rule also gave rise to an influx of unskilled
young Muslim men to the new colony. Because these Muslims were not literate and were
employed as menial laborers, the Asante came to regard Muslims as social inferiors.
I argue the reason why the matrilineal family has turned against such converts is
because they would be outside of their authority. The inability to control women
members is a problem for this system. Because identity is passed via the maternal line,
this system is threatened each time women leave. Another reason is that the oldest
members of the matrilineal families are losing power over the youth.
The women interviewed for this dissertation all claimed they faced discrimination
as Muslims from their family members and society in general. They also assert that they
are willingly changing what it means to be Asante. One example of this change takes
place during funerals. Muslim Asante refuse to wear the traditional black cloth. They opt
to wear their traditional clothing which irks the family members. Wearing the Asante
traditional black cloth at funerals is just one way of affirming ties to the matrilineal.
Indeed, Muslim Asantes are proof positive that the matrilineal system is changing.
Copyright by
MIKELLE ANTOINE
2010
DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to the daughters of Mesimene Galette and Saintlus
Laguerre, who went on to become the greatest mothers the world has ever known. Yaya,
Ate and Sylmene, I stand on your shoulders and your prayers continue to protect me.

This dissertation is also dedicated to my four favorite men. To my wonderful husband Nii
who is willing to do anything, anytime, and anywhere to make me happy. To my brilliant
cousin Kerby Laguerre-Simon, whose support I can count on anytime, anywhere. This
dissertation is also dedicated to my beautiful sons Chiemeka and Mawuvi who have
turned my life into one of the greatest ever lived.

My pursuit of a Ph.D. would not have been possible without the support of my sisters, too
many to list, but suffice to mention Guerlie, Linda and Lindsay. You guys are wonderful;
I learn so much from each of you.

And to the other members of the Antoine-Galette-Laguerre family, thank you for keeping
things interesting. Apre nou, se nou!

v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Finishing a dissertation is not easy. Nonetheless, it is possible. I may not have been able
to finish mine without the support and guidance of my advisor, Prof. David Robinson. He
is my favorite historian. Not just for being meticulous, but for respecting his role as an
educator. Other people who contributed to my education include professors Rita Gallin
and Ruth Hamilton. I also want to thank the rest of my committee members, John
Eulenberg who is as enthused about Hausa language as I am. In addition, I am thankful to
Gordon Stewart, Emine Avered and Nwando Achebe whose contributions have enriched
this dissertation. I want to also thank the Graduate School, the African Studies Center
and the History Department for supporting my educational ambitions. To my three
favorite undergraduate professors: Ehiedu Iweriebor, Maina wa Kinyatti and Michael
Turner, all of Hunter College for being good at their jobs. And lastly to all the wonderful
colleagues I met at MSU: the Haitians, Kenyans, Nigerians, Ghanaians, South Africans,
Beninois, Ethiopians, Zimbabweans, the Sierra Leoneans, Cameroonians, and the
Senegalese. I loved learning and laughing with each and every one of you!

vi
Table of Contents

List of Tables...................................................................................................................viii

List of Figures....................................................................................................................ix

Introduction:........................................................................................................................1

Chapter 1: The Historiography.........................................................................................18

Chapter 2: The Changing Complexions of Islam and Muslims in the Asante Empire,
18th-19th Centuries...........................................................................................................53

Chapter 3: British Colonial Rule.......................................................................................67

Chapter 4: The Coming of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission...........................................74

Chapter 5: On the Matrilineal System and Conversion....................................................91

Chapter 6: The social and economic situation of Ghana the first 3 decades after
independence...................................................................................................................104

Chapter 7: Ghanaian women as scapegoats during economic and political instability..132

Chapter 8: Voicing the Converts.....................................................................................157

Chapter 9: Conclusion.....................................................................................................183

Bibliography...................................................................................................................191

vii
List of Tables

Table 1: List of People Interviewed August 2005-2007.................................................166

viii
List of Figures

Figure 1: Ahmadi mosques, schools and hospitals in the Asante Region. Picture shows
extent of Ahmadi influence among the Asante. Photo by Mikelle Antoine.....................80

Figure 2: Ahmadi women celebrating Eid al Fatul, 2007. Ahmadiyya Muslim Secondary
School, Accra. Photo by Mikelle Antoine......................................................................161

Figure 3: Map of Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission national projects. Picture taken from
Headquarters, Accra. Photo by Mikelle Antoine............................................................164

ix
Introduction
Conversion and Practice of Asante Market Women in the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Mission in the late 20th century
The Akans constitute the largest ethnic and linguistic group in Ghana.1 They are
located in the southern part of the country and dominate positions of political and
economic power. The Asante are the majority within the Akan group. The language of
the Asante, Asante Twi, is the most widely spoken language within the Akan group and
Ghana.2 It is extensively spoken on television and radio. As the majority ethnic group in
Ghana, any new development among this group is of national significance and worthy of
study.
The Asante are a matrilineal people. This means they inherit property and identity
via the maternal line. The Asante are some of the few people in Ghana with this practice.
A matrilineal society is not necessarily a pro woman system, as presumed. It is another
way designed to control women’s reproduction and production. It also means they control
the labor and production of that woman and her children as well. This means children
born into the matrilineal system belong to the woman’s family. Thus belonging is defined
in relation to a woman; this is also used to exclude outsiders.

1 T.C. McCaskie, State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1995), 2.
2 The Akans include the Fanti, Asante, Akyim ethnic groups and other smaller subgroups.
Paul Gifford, Ghana’s New Christianity: Pentecostalism in a Globalizing African
Economy. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 1.
1