picturing rubens picturing. some observations on giordano's allegory of peace in the prado

12 Pages·2015·7.05 MB·English

Originalveröffentlichung in: Gazette des Beaux-Arts , 139 (1997), S. 195-206
FIG. I. - Luca GIORDANO. Rubens Painting an Allegory of Peace. Madrid, Museo del Prado. Photo museum.
PICTURING RUBENS PICTURING.
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON GIORDANO'S
ALLEGORY OF PEACE IN THE PRADO
BY
ECKHARD LEUSCHNER
A
RT-historians have always accepted as of War in the Galleria Palatina1. But did Giordano
self-evident that Luca Giordano's Prado even know this picture?
picture Rubens Painting an Allegory of Judging from stylistic evidence, Giordano's
Peace (fig. 1) reveals a thorough know­ Prado allegory cannot be dated much later than
ledge of Rubens's art, especially of the Horrors the first years of the 1660's. Ferrari and Scavizzi2
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GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS
located it about 1660. The picture's bombastic
Dominici6. He reports a journey that the young
composition shows the enormous talent of the
Luca made to Venice in the early 1650's, which
young painter, yet it looks a little unbalanced and
­ according to De Dominici ­ turned out to be
- even for Giordano's standards - overloaded.
an enormous success and resulted in a great
The Prado allegory (and a related picture without
number of commissions. Recent scholarship7 has
the figure of Rubens in Genova3) is in fact closer
cast serious doubts on this voyage ; it may never
in style to Giordano's "Saint Nicolas" altarpiece
have taken place. De Dominici appears to have
in Santa Brigida of 1655 than to his Frankfurt Al­
confounded it with later stays of Giordano in
legory of the Temptations of Youth4, which is signed
Venice, using the young painter's way back from
and dated "1664". Assuming a date of around or
the north to account for all the artistic influences
shortly before 1660 for the Prado picture, we will
Giordano underwent in these years. It is in the
turn to the question of Giordano's sources : Rubens
context of this otherwise undocumented early
painted his Allegory of War in 1638. He sent the
journey that De Dominici mentions Giordano hav­
picture to his painter colleague Justus Sustermans
ing come to Florence for the first time8. But the
in Florence, who may have acted as intermediary
question is : did he really arrive there so early,
for the Medici; but the picture appears to have re­
that is : before his first stay in Florence in 1665
mained in the property of Sustermans until the
mentioned by Francesco Saverio Baldinucci ? And
1690's, when it finally entered the collections of
if he did so, could he have had an opportunity to
Ferdinando de'Medici. Wherever Rubens's picture
see Rubens's Horrors of War at all?
was kept before the last years of the Seicento : it
Considering these circumstances, it is by no
must have been virtually inaccessible for a long
means sure that Giordano had any personal know­
time; no graphic reproduction of it was available.
ledge of the Pitti­Allegory when he painted Rubens
Jaffe5 rightly asks : "What picture by a Florentine
Painting an Allegory of Peace. It is moreover ab­
offers even a pale reflection of the heady lessons
solutely impossible that he could have studied
to be learned from The Horrors of War ?"
Rubens's London Allegory of War that has never
Our main source for Giordano's early career is
left England9 ­ there was, as is also the case with
the sometimes not very reliable Bernardo de
the Pitti painting, no graphic reproduction of this
FIG. 2. - After RUBENS.
The Horrors of War. Lon­
don, National Gallery. Pho-
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON GIORDANO'S ALLEGORY OF PEACE IN THE PRADO 197
A
FIG. 3. - Luca GIORDANO. Rubens Painting an Allegory of Peace (detail). Madrid. Musco del Prado. Photo museum.
allegory available. As far as pictures by Rubens give his picture the unmistakable air of a
are concerned, Giordano may have had no other "Rubens" both in composition and style ­ he had
source for his Prado painting than a small work­ certainly seen a number of genuine paintings by
shop copy of one of these two Allegories of Peace the great Flemish master". On a closer inspection,
(fig. 2) or a related allegory by one of Rubens's however, we find that in composing this work
pupils10. Nevertheless, Giordano has managed to Giordano used a pictorial source that was much
m
mm
SS
I
-
FIG. 4. ­ Giovanni Federico GREUTER after
Pietro da CORTONA. Hercules (from G.
Teti, Aedes Barberinae, Rome, 1642). Co­
logne, Stadt­ und Universitatsbibliothek.
Photo library.
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GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS
closer at hand : the ceiling paintings by Pietro da
Cortona for the Salone Barberini in Rome (1633- ini ceiling. Cortona's woman with a child who
39). turns her head to these two figures probably in­
It is worthwhile tracing these (so far unrecog­ spired the posture of Giordano's Venus who tries
nized) quotations from Cortona in Luca Gior­ to avert Mars; the painter has merely changed the
dano's Prado painting. Since 1642, graphic gesture of her right arm13. The captured 'barbar­
reproductions'2 of the Barberini ceiling existed, ian' who lies on the ground between weapons and
but, judging from the colours of the Prado paint­ firing canons in Giordano's painting is an inverted
ing, Giordano may well have studied the original. copy of Cortona's chained "Furore" (fig. 5) whom
His two stays in Rome (1650 and 1654) that "Mansuetudine", sitting amidst a comparable ac­
cumulation of weapons, holds on a string14. Even
the personification of peace on the Barberini ceil­
ing, who tries to close the doors of the temple of
war, may have influenced the figure on the ex­
treme right of Giordano's picture ; this woman
who stretches out her hand to hold back Mars
looks very much like "Pace".
But Giordano was of course too excellent a
painter to exhaust his art in merely copying Cor­
tona's inventions, whose way of painting he, no
doubt, greatly admired. Giordano has based cer­
tain characteristics of his Prado ­painting on Cor­
tona's art, but he wanted (as we shall see) to
achieve something else. One of Giordano's pupils,
Paolo de Matteis, has brought the artistic attitude
of his master to the point : "In his natural style,
or as we say : manner, [Giordano] always fol­
lowed Pietro da Cortona. But when he wanted to
enhance that manner, he imitated the greatest of
all painters with such an ease, that he has often
deceived even the most renowned connoisseurs'^' •
Many are the anecdotes in De Dominici's vita of
FIG. 5. - Cornells BLOF.MAF.RT after Pietro da CORTONA. Alle­
Giordano in which self­declared experts in paint­
gory of Peace (from G. Teti, Aedes Barberinae, Rome, 1642).
ing mistake a Giordano for a Raphael or a Diirer.
Cologne, Stadt- und Universitalsbibliolhek. Photo library.
De Dominici even mentions a picture by Giordano
painted in the manner of the "bizzarro maestro
Francesco Saverio Baldinucci mentions are much della Scuola Fiammenga" in the possession of the
more in line with a biography one should expect Marchese del Carpio16, the Spanish vice­king of
than De Dominici's story about the 'triumphal en­ Naples since 1683. Even if that painting may not
try' of the young genius in Venice at about the be identical with the Prado allegory, whose prove­
same time. The two flying female figures on the nance can only be traced back to 1711, this ref­
upper part of the Prado painting (fig. 3) quote a erence gives us an idea of what impressions
detail of Cortona's "Hercules"­fresco (fig. 4) Giordano could provoke. Most of these works
Giordano took over the postures, but turned Cor­ "alia maniera di...", however, were very probably
tona's "Felicita" into a Minerva, whose features not intended to be understood as forgeries17. Gior­
he could borrow from another part of the Barber­ dano, one of the great painters of his time, simply
longed to demonstrate his enormous abilities in
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON GIORDANO'S ALLEGORY OF PEACE IN THE PR A DO 199
imitating and emulating the masters of the past. who contented themselves with smaller composi­
But Giordano stayed Giordano even in his imita­ tions and a reduced number of figures, the painter
tions ; in most of the cases he has made it very Andrea Sacchi criticised Cortona's "grandi opere"
clear whose 'brushwork' the beholder is looking as overloaded. True art, in his eyes, had to be sim­
at. ple and clearly arranged. Pietro da Cortona an­
We have registred the influence that Cortona's swered Sacchi by pointing out his concept of
Barberini fresco exerted on the Prado picture. But "ricchezza", his idea of entertaining the spectator
where does the art of Rubens come in, what role with 'grand' compositions that had to be looked
do his Allegories of Peace play ? A closer com­ at as pictorial entities whose parts were not pri­
parison between Giordano's painting and Rubens's marily meant to be read in terms of literary mean­
Horror of War at the Palazzo Pitti (fig. 2) reveals ing. Cortona wanted his paintings to impress and
a striking difference in the relation between Venus entertain the beholder by their rich pictorial
and Mars. While Rubens, as he explains in his means.
famous letter to Sustermans'8, shows Venus trying By turning to Cortona as his artistic model,
to keep Mars from going to war, Giordano makes Giordano obviously made a decision to adopt this
his voluptously seated Venus hold up her hand to 'pictorial' way of painting20. It is interesting to
keep Mars from coming closer. Neither Rubens's see that a few years after the probable date of the
concentration on a foreground action oriented to Prado allegory the 'classicist' Bellori published
the right nor his choice of figures and attributes his 1672 vita of Rubens which mirrors many of
is closely imitated by Giordano, who has built up the criticisms that had been brought up against
a turbulent motion circling around the painter who the art of Cortona in the days of Sacchi and
is sitting in the middle of the composition. The Poussin. Giordano did not by chance turn to Pietro
Prado painting thus appears to be more of a para­ da Cortona in order to compose a 'Rubens'. Both
phrasis of Rubens's Allegories of Peace than a artists offered to him a rich and colourful way of
true and profound imitation. Giordano has repre­ painting that included the intensive use of alle­
sented Rubens sitting not on a chair, but on the gorical elements. What is more, Cortona himself
Fury of War, who is 'tormented' by a putto with was influenced considerably by Rubens's art when
her own torch. It is not by chance that a Fury of the Barberini ordered him to complete the tapestry
this appearance can be seen both in Rubens's Hor­ series of representations from the life of Constan­
ror of War and in the "Hercules Scene" (fig. 4) tine they had purchased in Paris21. This commis­
of Cortona's Barberini ceiling. sion was finished shortly before the beginning of
When Giordano (in the mid­fifties of the 17th the works on the Salone Barberini. Cortona's
century) turned from the sombre manner of his painterly work there shows a new 'pictorial' man­
teacher Ribera to the colourful and lucid style of ner unknown to his earlier frescos. He had learned
Pietro da Cortona, he opted for a particular type his Rubens lesson.
of contemporary artistic practice. Pietro da Cor­ Giordano may thus have 'reconstructed' the
tona represented the rich, the 'baroque' manner manner of Rubens by studying Pietro da Cortona's
of painting that explicitly wanted to amaze the frescos. This can account for the many quotations
spectator, to overwhelm him with opulent (Vene­ from the Salone Barberini in the Prado allegory.
tian) colours and gigantic compositions. Cortona's Giordano, however, obviously felt that a bit more
Barberini ceiling is the matrix for a great number 'Flemish' atmosphere should be added to his pic­
of paintings and frescos in the 'baroque' style all ture. Apart from the portrait of Rubens himself,
over Europe. It was, in fact, the concept of the which was available in at least two printed ver­
Salone Barberini that is reported to have aroused sions22, he sought to implant a few other details
a famous dispute in the Accademia di San Luca19. that were familiar to anyone who had a certain
Speaking for the protagonists of a 'classical' art knowledge of northern art. An addition of this sort
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GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS
FIG. 6. - Luca GIORDANO. Rubens Painting
an Allegory of Peace (detail). Madrid, Museo
del Prado. Photo museum.
is the still-life with two putti on the lower left
composed of musical instruments, a globe, play­
(fig. 6) : Giordano has filled this part of his can­
ing cards and dice were meant to symbolise the
vas with a "Vanitas"­composition which is very
transitoriness of all worldly pleasures. One or two
common in pictures of the Netherlandish type
masks were sometimes added to these still­lifes24
"vanite a personnages" (as Mirimonde23 called it).
in order to create an almost literary image for the
Children blowing soapbubbles next to a still­life
false appearance of the world : there is nothing
I
FIG. 7. - Theodoor VAN THULDEN. Allegory
•«S»- of Vanity. S'Herlogenbosch, Noordbrabants
Museum. Photo museum.
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON GIORDANO'S ALLEGORY OF PEACE IN THE PRADO 201
behind the attractive face of "Vrouw Werelt" the allegorical scene was intended as a tour de
(fig. 7). While "Vanitas" still-lifes in the true force, a witty demonstration of his inventive pow­
sense of the word are altogether rare in Italian ers and creative energy. Paintings showing an art­
painting of the time, the mask that Giordano has ist at work with the object or model of his picture
shown among the elements of his still-life is al­ included were rare in Italian art of the time. Al­
most unique to Italy25, ­ there cannot be any other most the only exception are depictions of Saint
pictorial source for it than a Netherlandish paint­ Luke painting the Madonna. But if we look for
ing. While Rubens had shown a number of musi­ painted scenes of contemporary artistic practice,
cal instruments and books lying on the ground of i.e. a painter at his workshop depicted with his
his Pitti picture to give an impression of how model, there is almost no Italian example for this
Mars tends to destroy the arts26, Giordano used a type of representation before the 'bamboccianti',
FIG. 8. - Anthony VAN DYCK (attr. to). An-
dries van Ertfeldt Picturing a Seascape. Mu­
nich, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen.
Photo museum.
Netherlandish still­life of a type that contains a Netherlandish painters of genre­scenes, who ar­
moral warning against all worldly pleasures and rived in Rome at the time of Caravaggio. One of
goods including the arts. their group, Michelangelo Cerquozzi, shows an
It is not altogether clear whether Luca Gior­ (anonymous) painter at his easel whose model, an
dano realized this different 'message' of the still­ old man, poses as a 'Saint Jerome' in the fore­
life that he chose to imitate and add to his Prado ground27. But Cerquozzi has not allowed us to
painting. Neither can we be absolutely sure about look at the picture that is coming into being. The
the reasons that induced Giordano to represent beholder is confronted with the back of the canvas
Rubens himself sitting at his easel and painting that the painter is working on.
Venus averting Mars, i.e. the scene that is taking Depictions of artists at work that show both the
place on the right. Looking at the Prado picture object of imitation and the picture that is being
from an artistic point of view, it is clear that Gior­ painted were in fact almost exclusively reserved
dano's combination of the painter's portrait and to Netherlandish art. But even in Dutch or Flem­
202
GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS
ish art of the seventeenth century, there are very
It is, of course, problematic to assume a purely
few depictions (i.e. portraits) of an individual
'artistic' motivation for a painting of this kind and
painter with both his picture and the subject of date3'. Would there have been anyone in the early
his painting visible. One of these rare pictures is
166()'s who commissioned a picture measuring
a painting attributed to Anthony van Dyck (fig. 8),
3.37 X 4.14 m for purely 'artistic' reasons? In
that undoubtedly is a real portrait of a painter at
order to give an acceptable explanation for the
his easel ; according to tradition, the man depicted
commission of the Prado painting, some scholars
is the specialist of marine subjects Andries van
have turned to the fact that Rubens during his life­
Ertveldt. The ship in stormy waves that he is paint­ time was active both as a painter and a diplomat32.
ing is shown as his 'real' subject in the background
He acted, among other duties, as an intermediator
on the left. Pictures of this kind, and certainly not
for a peace­treaty between Spain and England.
(as it has been suggested28) Velazquez' Las Meninas,
Because the picture is first mentioned in a Spanish
have to be considered as the stimulus for Giordano's
inventory, Perez Sanchez has suggested that a
inclusion of Rubens's portrait in his Prado compo­
Spanish citizen living at Naples ordered Giordano
sition. This composition, it is true, is much more
to paint this picture as a 'homage' to Rubens as
advanced in character, because it shows the painter
a peace­maker. This explanation is certainly a pos­
imitating an allegorical constellation, not a 'real'
sibility. Giovanni Baglione in his 1642 vita of the
subject. The combination, however, of the depiction
Fleming already praises both the painter and the
of a painter at his work and certain allegorical ele­
diplomat Rubens. But it should not be overlooked
ments next to him was available to Giordano in the
that 'artistic' qualities are decisive in the oeuvre
print // lamento della pittura (fig. 9) by Cornelis Cort
of a painter whose fame, in these years, was at
which is based on a design of Federico Zuccaro;
least in part based on imitating other artists. Gior­
Giordano often used engravings as sources for his
dano's use of his brush, his enormous rapidity in
work29, so he may well have turned to Zuccaro, the
painting induced his later patrons, as De Dominici
Roman precursor of Pietro da Cortona. This ambi­ reports33, to leave the subject of the paintings he
tious print exhibits a comparably complicated struc­
was going to produce entirely in his own hands.
ture of an artist working on an image that is in fact
A similar explanation should be applied to our ­
part of another image30.
picture : the Prado allegory is very probably meant
FIG. 9. - Cornelis CORT after Fe­
derico ZUCCARO. // Lamento della
Pittura (lower part). Munich,
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung.
Photo museum.
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON GIORDANO'S ALLEGORY OF PEACE IN THE PRADO 203
r
m
FIG. 10. - Paolo DE MATTEIS. Allegory of
Peace with Self-Portrait. Houston, Sarah r
Campbell Blatter Foundation. Photo Foundation.
to celebrate Giordano's favorite manner of paint­ own allegorical inventory of the Flemish painter.
ing. Many of these figures are quite unmistakably
By representing Rubens at work, Luca Gior­ 'rubensian'35; in a way, Giordano's painting is
dano depicted a famous artist who had died about thus an early example for the admiration of
twenty years before. Giordano's preserved own Rubens as a 'modern classic', who, as an inde­
self­portraits are of a very modest scale. Unlike pendent genius, produced his admirable pictures
his pupil Paolo de Matteis many years later, he out of his own, his autonomous creative powers
never painted a self­portrait which placed his own ­ quite like Roger de Piles36 put it in 1684 : "Le
person in the pompous surrounding of an allegori­ genie de Rubens etoit capable de produire lui
cal composition. Allegorical elements of this kind seul, et sans I'aide d'aucuns preceptes, des choses
were usually reserved for portraits of military extraordinaires ".
leaders and members of the nobility. Even in the Luca Giordano's confrontation of the 'painter
early Settecento contemporaries still considered it at his easel'­theme (which in Netherlandish paint­
an enormous offence against the 'decoro' when De ing often came close to a genre motif) and the
Matteis inserted his self­portrait sitting at his noble Allegory of Peace is a remarkable contem­
easel into an Allegory of Peace34 whose compo­ porary of Vermeer's learned Allegory of Painting.
sition is very close to Giordano's Prado picture Vermeer van Delft has depicted the artist in his
(fig. 10). Keeping these circumstances in mind, we studio together with a young woman who is pos­
realize that Giordano's implantation of Rubens's ing as a 'Clio' ­ and Vermeer took great pains to
portrait in his painting contained an element of make clear that she is nothing but a model of this
controversial novelty. muse37. According to him, it is only on the
One should not, however, forget that the alle­ painter's easel that the allegory of History comes
gorical context of the painter at work on the Prado into being, and it is consequently only in the eye
picture is of a very special kind : Giordano has of the beholder that this scene as a whole becomes
shown Rubens amidst his own 'creatures', i.e. an Allegory of Painting. In contrast to this, Gior­
among the figures who are representatives of the dano has confronted his painter with an unprece­
204
GAZETTE DES BEAUX-ARTS
dented mass of allegorical figures who (strangely
enough) appear to belong to the same level of one and only common factor of the Prado picture
reality as Rubens himself. This situation cannot as a whole : Giordano's painterly work. The picture's
really be explained, it cannot be solved on the different elements, the portrait of Rubens, the quota­
level of what is represented. Looking for a me­ tions from Cortona, the quotations from Flemish art
diator between these elements that simply do not ­ they are brought together by the unifying power of
fit together, the beholder is forced to turn to the Giordano's brush. Pretending to picture Rubens pic­
turing, Giordano has glorified his own art.
NOTES
I wish to express my gratitude to Herbert L. Kessler and
James McCowey for a critical look at the English of this paper,
I, « Dans l'interpretation du sujet, Luca Giordano prouve
du reste qu'il connait bien les Consequences de la guerre de ritorno alia patria per il camino di Fiorenza, ove resto ammi­
Florence » : D. BODART, « Rubens et la critique italienne an­ rato in vedere l'opere di tanti meravigliosi artefici di piu es­
cienne », in M. GREGORI (ed.), Rubens e Firenze, Florence, quisite et ottime facolta".
1983, p. 42. A similar opinion was expressed by R. BAUM­ 9. Cf. G. MARTIN, National Gallery Catalogues. The Flem-
STARK, "Ikonographische Studien zu Rubens Kriegs­ und ish School circa 1600 - circa 1900, London, 1970, pp. 116­25.
Friedensallegorien", Aachener Kunstblatter 45, 1974, p. 126. 10. Compare e.g. an Allegory of Peace by Erasmus Quel­
2. O. FERRARI­G. SCAVIZZI, Luca Giordano, Naples, 1992, Imus in the Museo de San Carlos, Mexico City (exh. cat. "Pin­
pp. 263­64 (cat. no. A 88). GRISERI ("Luca Giordano 'alia tura y tapices flamencos", Mexico City, 1984, pp. 98­99, no.
maniera di..."\ Arte antice e moderna, 1961, p. 430) once pro­ 43).
posed the period between 1660 and 1670, but one can quite 11. The Seicento inventories of neapolitan private collec­
certainly exclude a date in the second half of the sixties. tions list quite a number of paintings attributed to Rubens,
A 893.. O. FERRARI­G. SCAVIZZI, as in note 2, p. 264, cat. no. some of which Giordano is likely to have seen. Among them
was a "quadro di 6 palmi di Venere e Marte di Pietro Paolo
4. For the Frankfurt picture cf. E. LEUSCHNER, "Giordanos Rubens" (mentioned in the inventory of Ferrante Spinelli of
graphische Vorlagen. Uberlegungen zu Bildern in Frankfurt 1654 ; cf. G. LABROT, Collections of Paintings in Naples 1600-
und Braunschweig", Pantheon 52, 1994, pp. 184­89. 1780, Munich, 1992, p. 96. no. 97).
5. M. JAFFE, Rubens and Italy, Oxford, 1977, p. 103. Even 12. Girolamo TETI, Aedes Barberinae ad Quirinalem,
Giovanni BEI.LORI does not mention the Horrors of War in his Rome, 1642; cf. A. CALCAONI ABRAMI­L. CHIMIRRI (edd.), /»­
1672 Vila of Rubens. cisori toscani del Seicento al servizio del libra illustrato,
6. B. DE DOMINICI, Vite de'Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti Florence, 1987, pp. 42­43.
Napoletani, vol. 3, Naples, 1743, pp. 394 sq. For a rather op­ 13. This figure of Cortona had already inspired the posture
timistic attempt to defend De Dominici's reliability see T. WII. of a woman in the foreground of Giordanos "Nicolas" altar­
LETTE, "Bernardo De Dominici e le Vite de'pittori scultori ed piece at Santa Brigida : O. FERRARI­G. SCAVIZZI, as in note 2.
architetti napoletani : contributo alia riabilitazione di una p. 258, cat. no. A 47. The gesture of Giordano's Venus was
fonte", Ricerche sul '600 napoletano, Milan, 1986, pp. 255­73. probably influenced by Agostino Carracci's graphical repro­
7. Cf. O. FERRARI­G. SCAVIZZI, as in note 2, pp. 16 sq. Cf. duclion of a composition by Jacopo Tintoretto : Minerva avert-
also E. SCHLEIER, Luca Giordano variierl eine Komposition ing Mars (Illustrated BARTSCH, vol. 39, p. 160, no. 118­ID
Tizians. Zu einem Bild der Berliner Gewaldegalerie, Jahrbuch which is inscribed "Sapientia Martem depellente Pax et Abun­
der Berliner Museen 36, 1994, p. 192. dantia cogaudent".
8. B. DE DOMINICI (as in note 4), p. 397 : "[...] di Vinegia 14. Cortona's image of "Fury" in chains is based on VER­
partiti, presero il cammino di Firenze. dove voile ammirare GIL'S "centum vinctus aenis" (Aeneid 1, 295); cf. M. A. LEE,
l'opere magnifiche di tanti Artefici insigni, che vi aveano 'Hie Domus': The Decorative Programme of the Sala Bar-
fiorito : Indi per la via di Livorno ritorno a Roma". In his berina in Rome, Baltimore, 1993, p. 123.
earlier Zibaldone Baldinucciano (ed. B. SANTI, Florence, 1980, 15. 'Quanto al suo naturale stile (dat inleo i( ddae tntao i: dMelatna i:c M aniera)
p. 352), De Dominici wrote : "Onde [= Venice], dipingendo W accosto sempre a Pietro da Cortona; ma quando volea
di luoco in luoco e facendo memoria di tutto il bello. fecero malzarla faceva, e contrafaceva con tanta facilita gli Uomini
Piu grandi in Pittura, che spesso ha ingannato li piu inten­