Peri-Urbanism in Globalizing India: A Study of Pollution, Health and Community Awareness

17 Pages·2017·0.33 MB·English

International Journal of
Environmental Research
and Public Health
Article
Peri-Urbanism in Globalizing India: A Study of
Pollution, Health and Community Awareness
LindaWaldman1,*,RamilaBisht2,RajashreeSaharia2,AbhinavKapoor2,BushraRizvi2,
YasirHamid3,MeghanaArora2,ImaChopra2,KumudT.Sawansi2 ID,RituPriya2
andFionaMarshall4
1 InstituteofDevelopmentStudies,UniversityofSussex,BrightonBN19RE,UK
2 CentreofSocialMedicineandCommunityHealth,JawaharlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi110067,India;
[email protected](R.B.);[email protected](R.S.);[email protected](A.K.);
[email protected](B.R.);[email protected](M.A.);[email protected](I.C.);
[email protected](K.T.S.);[email protected](R.P.)
3 DepartmentofPsychology,UniversityofKashmir,Hazratbal,Srinagar,JammuandKashmir190006,India;
[email protected]
4 SciencePolicyResearchUnit(SPRU)andSTEPSCentre,UniversityofSussex,BrightonBN19RH,UK;
[email protected]
* Correspondence:[email protected];Tel.:[phone]
Received:26June2017;Accepted:25August2017;Published:30August2017
Abstract: This paper examines the intersection between environmental pollution and people’s
acknowledgements of, and responses to, health issues in Karhera, a former agricultural village
situated between the rapidly expanding cities of New Delhi (India’s capital) and Ghaziabad
(an industrial district in Uttar Pradesh). A relational place-based view is integrated with an
interpretive approach, highlighting the significance of place, people’s emic experiences, and the
creation of meaning through social interactions. Research included surveying 1788 households,
in-depthinterviews,participatorymappingexercises,andareviewofmediaarticlesonenvironment,
pollution,andhealth. Karheraexperiencesbothdomesticpollution,throughtheuseofdomestic
waste water, or gandapani, for vegetable irrigation, and industrial pollution through factories’
emissions into both the air and water. The paper shows that there is no uniform articulation of
anyenvironment/healththreatsassociatedwithgandapani. Somepeopletakepreventativeactions
to avoid exposure while others do not acknowledge health implications. By contrast, industrial
pollutioniswidelynotedandfrequentlycommentedupon,butlittlecollectiveactionaddressesthis.
ThepaperexploreshowthecharacteristicsofKarhera,itsheterogeneouspopulation,diverseforms
ofenvironmentalpollution,andbroadergovernanceprocesses,limitthepotentialforcitizenaction
againstpollution.
Keywords: peri-urban; agriculture; water pollution; industrial pollution; health;
collectiveaction;urbanization
1. Introduction
This paper examines the intersection between environmental pollution and people’s
acknowledgementofhealthconcernsinperi-urbanIndia. Theseperi-urbanspaceshavebeen“crying
outforattention”[1]andareplaceswhereneoliberalpolicies,real-estatebooms,landspeculation,
informationtechnologyadvances,andtherelocationofindustrialwastehave“transformedthepace
of development” [2]. They are the consequence of urban expansion and a visible manifestation
of urban socio-spatial inequalities. One such area, explored in this paper, is situated between the
rapidlyexpandingcitiesofNewDelhi(India’scapital)andGhaziabad(anindustrialdistrictinUttar
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980;doi:10.3390/ijerph14090980 www.mdpi.com/journal/ijerph
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 2of17
Pradesh), where urban growth has created a peri-urban interface; “a territory between” rural and
urban livelihoods, activities, and services [3]. Peri-urban spaces are generally characterized by a
predominanceofpooranddisadvantagedresidents;alackofservices,infrastructureandfacilities;
degraded natural resource systems [4]; and, industrial hazards [1,2,5]. This research focuses on
Karhera, a peri-urban village sandwiched between Delhi and Ghaziabad, which was, until about
twodecadesago,predominantlyagricultural. Despitebeingsurroundedbyurbangrowth,someof
Karhera’sresidentshavecontinuedtopracticeagriculture. Thisemphasisonagricultureformsan
important component of Karhera and sets it apart from the rapidly-urbanizing spaces around it.
However, the nature and scale of this agriculture has changed considerably. Cereal crops (maize,
wheat,riceandsorghum)andvegetableshavebeenreplacedbyspinach,growntotakeadvantage
oftheurbandemandforfreshvegetables. Urbanizationhasalsoaffectedthenaturalenvironment
and the resources used for agriculture, with less available land for cropping and fewer spaces to
keeplivestock. Otherenvironmentalresources—suchaswater—havebecomepollutedanddegraded,
making it hard to continue farming. Not all is negative however, and these changes have been
accompaniedbynewfarmingopportunities. Karheraisthusanidealcontextinwhichtoexplorethe
significanceofperi-urbanplacesinrelationto“dynamics,diversityandcomplexity”ofpollutionand
health[6,7]. Suchplaceshaveparticularplace-basedcharacteristicsandfacesignificantsustainability
challenges [8,9]. Karhera, like India’s other peri-urban places, is also the physical manifestation
of the globalization processes—created and molded by—regional agglomeration, liberalization,
urbanization,globaleconomicintegration,and“re-structuringforglobalizedsystemsofproduction
andconsumption”[10,11].
Considerableattentionhasfocusedonhowcommunitiesidentifypollutantsandtoxinsintheir
localities,andonhowtheirmobilizationcananddoeseffectchange. Muchofthishasemphasized
participatory processes, in particular the collective actions undertaken in the form of popular
epidemiology,ofteninconjunctionwithsympatheticresearcherstoco-producescientificevidenceof
pollutionandensureengagementswithpolicymakers[12–16]. Whilecollectivemobilizationisseen
asaviablemeansofchallengingvestedinterestsandofforcinggovernmentandpolicyactorstopay
attentiontoenvironmentalpollutionandhealththreats[17],collectiveactivismandcitizenscience
researchhasnotalwaysguaranteedsuchemancipatedoutcomes[12]. Untilrecently,however,little
attentionhasbeenpaidtocontextswherecitizensciencealliancesdonotoccur,andwherecommunity
residentsfailtopublicallyacknowledge—anddonotcollectivelyactupon—theintersectionsbetween
environmentalpollutionandhealth. Thisrecentresearchhasexploredthefactorswhichconstrain
mobilization, and in doing so, have shown that this is not simply a result of the well-known
diversionarytacticsusedbythestateandpoliticalandeconomicelites(suchasmediacontrol,limiting
citizenparticipation,emphasizingtheeconomicbenefits;discreditingscientificevidenceofharmand
health,castingblameonpotentialsourcesofcontamination,andbullying,ostracizing,anddiscrediting
activists)toforestallresistance[18]. AdamsandShriver[19]show,forexample,howprotestsagainst
coalmininginCzechoslovakiastruggletodirecttheiractivismaseconomicandpoliticalfluxcreate
a situation where the targets are vague and ambiguous. Auyero and Swinstun [20] explore the
“slowviolence”perpetratedbypetrochemicalcompaniesinanArgentinianShantytown,wherethe
environmentaldamageisneitherdramaticnorvisible. Heretheslowaccretionoftoxinsresultsin
long-termhabituationwhichinturnhasmeantthat,evenoncetheextentofthedamagewasknown,
residentsremaineduncertainandconflictedabouttheirexposuretocontaminationandtheassociated
risk. Thisresearchhasalsorecognizedthatcitizensmaywelcometheeconomicopportunitiesthat
produceenvironmentdegradationandcorrespondinghealthrisksbecauseoftheirpoverty,economic
dependence, and marginalization [18,21,22]. Underlying all of this work is an emphasis on place
andeconomiccontextasshapingpeople’sresponsestoenvironmentalpollutionandhealththreats,
showingthatthe“relationalinterplaybetweenplacecharacteristicsandtheirmeaning-makingfor
healthisoftencontingentandcontested”[7].Whereas,environmentalandhealthhazardsinperi-urban
areashavebeenthoroughlydocumented[23,24],thispaperaddstoanemergingbodyofworkwhich
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 3of17
examinespeople’sconflictedidentificationofhealthandenvironmentthreatsinperi-urbanareasin
theglobalsouth,andtheplace-basedfactorswhichshapethepotentialforcollectiveactionagainst
environmentalpollution.
Thisarticleaddressesthisknowledgegapbyexploringtheperi-urbanareaofKarherawhere,
despiteemergingenvironmentandhealththreatsassociatedwithurbanization,thereislittleevidence
of citizen mobilization tackling these issues. We investigate why this might be by constructing a
descriptivedemographicandsocialprofileofareaanditsresidents,andbyexploringtheirperceptions
andfeelingsregardingtheintersectionofenvironmentalpollutionandhealthintheirrapidlychanging
peri-urbanenvironment.
Afteroutliningmethodsusedinthisresearch,thisarticlegoesontopresentfindingsincluding
the contextual and demographic profile of the area, and how it has changed over time as a result
of urbanization. Highlighted are changes in the socio-economic composition of the area, shifts in
landandwateruse/availability,andassociatedlivelihoodstrategies,aswellasincreasinglevelsof
apparentenvironmentalpollution,growingpotentialhealthrisks,andtheperceptionsofresidents
aroundtheseissues.
Thisisthenfollowedbyamorein-depthdiscussionsectionwhichsynthesizesthesemultipleshifts
andtheperceptionsofresidentstoexplorehowthesedynamicsinteractwitheachotherincomplex
ways that ultimately undermine the potential for collective action. By making these underlying
dynamicsvisible,thisarticleprovidesimportantinsightsintothechallengesfacedbycitizensandcivil
societygroupswhoseektobuildcollectiveactionmovementsagainstpollutionandhealthrisksin
peri-urbanareas.
2. MaterialsandMethods
In this paper, we integrate a relational view of place—which sees place as “having physical
and social characteristics... [which] are shaped by and given meaning through their interactions
withpoliticsandinstitutions, withoneanotherand, mostimportantly, withthepeoplelivingina
place”[7]—withaninterpretiveapproach,whichseekstointegratepeople’sviewswith“ananalysis
of cultural phenomena, social conditions and structural constraints” [25]. We focus on people’s
diverseinterpretationsoffacts,theiremicexperiences,onhowtheycreatemeaningthroughsocial
interactions; on how relationships and social dynamics have changed over time, on the effects
of formal policies, and on political processes and power relations. Fieldwork was undertaken in
Karhera,GhaziabadDistrictbetweenAugust2014andMay2015,usingavarietyoffieldworkmethods
which sought to capture multiple ways of portraying and comprehending the place, Karhera [7].
Thisincludedsurveying1788ofthe2042householdsinSeptember2014. Thesurveyaskedabout
household composition, caste, primary and secondary sources of livelihood, home ownership,
perceptionsofhealthandhospitalization(overthepast5years), andlandownership. Thesurvey
wasconductedbytheauthorsofthispaper,basedattheCentreofSocialMedicineandCommunity
Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Researchers aimed to survey every household in Karhera,
but152householdswereunwillingtobeinterviewed,andin102householdsno-onewashomeand
doorswerelocked. Giventhat88%ofhouseholdsultimatelyparticipatedinthesurvey,itisreasonable
thatthedataisrepresentativeofthecommunityasawhole. Theresearchersaskedquestionsand
completedtheanswersonpapersurveyinstruments. ThedatawasprocessedwithSPSSversion22.0
(IBMCorporation,NewYork,NY,USA)andusedtoidentifyemergentthemesaroundenvironmental
degradation,pollution,health,andemergentrisk.
Qualitative research methods, undertaken between October 2014 and May 2015, provided
a detailed understanding of agricultural livelihoods in relation to changing circumstances and
urbanization. Twenty in-depth semi-structured interviews were undertaken, 10 with men and 10
with women who were identified from the survey. The following criteria informed our selection:
involvedinagriculture(transporting,buyingorsellingproduce,growingcrops,workingaslaborers,
sharecroppers,orleasingagriculturalland),migranthouseholdmenandwomenormenandwomen
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 4of17
who were original inhabitants and were willing to participate in the research. Informants came
from different castes and socio-economic groups. These discussions usually lasted about an hour,
andinterviewstookplaceinlocationsthatweremutuallyconvenientsuchasparticipants’homesor
fields. Theseface-to-faceinterviewswereconductedbytheresearchersinHindi,recorded,translated
and transcribed. The interviews examined agricultural-based livelihoods, people’s use of natural
resources(water,firewoodetc.),andpersonalexperiencesofurbanization,poverty,andcommunity
relations.Wethenundertookfourparticipatorymappingsessionswith(a)meninvolvedinagriculture;
(b) women involved in agriculture; (c) men who were actively farming or marketing spinach;
and(d)womenassociatedwithbuffalorearingand/orspinach. Participantswererecruitedinways
customary to anthropological research practice: through formal and informal interaction with the
researchers,wholivedinthecommunityforperiodsoftheresearch.Thesesessions,whichlastedhalfa
dayandtookplaceinalocalHindutemple,broughttogethersmallgroupsofpeople(between5and12)
associatedwiththedominantcrop(spinach)andanimalhusbandrytocollectivelyhand-drawmapsof
theKarheratheyhadknown20yearsago.Asapartoftheparticipatorymappingsessions,participants
reflectedonchangingagriculturallivelihoods;newusesofspaceandresources;and,theimplications
oftheseonlaborpractices,wateravailability,andgenderrelations. Theyalsodiscussedtopicssuch
as food availability, distribution and exchange; food preferences; the nutritional and social values
associated with agricultural crops; changing political relations associated with access to land and
water;and,povertyandhealth. Theinterviewsandparticipatorymappingsessionscomplemented
thesurveybyprovidingfurtherinsightsintotherelationshipsbetweenagriculture,livelihoods,and
people’scollectiveresponsestosocialandenvironmentalchangeandbyfacilitatingtriangulationof
patternsandtrends.
Finally,areviewofmediaarticlesonenvironment,pollution,andhealthintheTrans-Hindon,
between 2005 and 2015, was undertaken. This was initiated by searching the Centre for Science
andEnvironment(CSE)website. TheCSEwebsitehasanIndiaEnvironmentPortal(http://www.
indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/)whicharchivesarticlesfromleadingnewspapers,books,magazines,
etc.relatedtoissuesofenvironmentalconcern.TheCSE’smagazine,“DowntoEarth”,wassearchedfor
significantarticlesrelatedtoHindonriverandTrans-HindonregionandtwoEnglishdailynewspapers
website(TheHindustanTimesandTheHindu)andtworegional-languagedailynewspaperswebsite
(Jagran and Amarujala) were selected because of their popularity and readership in the region.
The search terms identified for this stemmed from the qualitative research and were: agriculture,
fertilizer,pesticides,healthrisks,diseases,cancer,pollution,wastewater,effluents,industrialwaste,
poverty,andurbanization. Specialattentionwasfocusedonarticlesthatlinkedenvironment,pollution
andhealthwithpoliticalmobilization. Thisexerciseallowedustoseewhattypesofpollutionand,
healthissueswerebeingtakenupbylocalnewspapersandwhichmayreflect,orinfluence,residents’
levelsofconcern.
Standardsocialscienceethicalprocedureswerefollowed,includingadheringtotheprinciples
ofinformedconsentandconfidentiality. Pseudonymsarethereforeusedinthispaper. Participants
wereclearlyinformedthattheycouldwithdrawatanytimewithoutfacingnegativerepercussionsfor
doingso. EthicalapprovalwasreceivedfromtheUniversityofSussex(ER/PLW20/1).
Offinalmethodologicalconsiderationarethestrengthsandlimitationsofthisstudy. Whilethis
researchoffersuniqueinsightsintoKarhera’sresidents’perceptionsofenvironmentalpollutionand
healthrisksintheirchanginglocality,itcannotprovidehardevidenceonthelinksbetweenpollution
andresultinghealthproblemsasscientificinvestigationswerenotundertaken. Thatsaid,thestrength
ofthispaperliesinitsexplorationoflocalperceptionsofpollutionandhealthrisksincontextswhere
thesearenothighlyevident,andassessingtheimplicationsofthisforpotentialfuturemobilization.
Anotherlimitationofthisstudyisthatitwasnotdesignedforreplicability. Thisisnotunusualin
relational, place-basedresearchwhereemphasisisonsituatingpeople’spersonalaccountswithin
socio-economicandpoliticalbroadercontextsassociatedwithaveryspecificplace.
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 5of17
3. Findings
3.1. GhaziabadandKarhera: ContextandDemographics
GhaziabadDistrictconsistsoffourTehsils(divisions),thelargest,andmostdenselypopulatedof
whichisGhaziabadTehsil. Itincludesadiversityofurbanandperi-urbansettlements,withpeople
variously accommodated in villages, unauthorized colonies, slums, and middle-class colonies.
This area has been enormously affected by the transformations in nearby Delhi—for example,
throughthelossoffarmlandtourbandevelopmentandthroughtherelocationofpollutingindustries
fromDelhitoGhaziabad[26,27]. ThepopulationinGhaziabadhasgrownaspeopleareattractedby
itsurbanizingnature,includingruralmigrantslookingforworkandurbanpopulationsrelocating
becauseofcheaperhousingandimprovedcommutingpossibilities.
KarheraisaformeragriculturalvillagesituatedwithintheGhaziabadMunicipalCorporation,
an administrative area of Ghaziabad Tehsil. In 1987 this area was converted into a Nagar Parishad,
adesignationindicatingitsurbanstatus. Karheraisbounded,ononesideofthevillage,withalineof
industriesandproductionunits. TheothersideofKarheraisboundedbytheHindonRiver.
In the 2014 survey undertaken as a part of this research, almost half of the people surveyed
wereoriginalinhabitantswholivedinKarherawhenitwasanagriculturalvillage(44%),whilethe
remainderweremigrants(56%),attractedbytheindustriesandthepotentialforworkinnearbycities.
Kaherathushasaheterogeneouspopulation,whichincludespeopleofdifferentcastes,religions,and
geographicorigins. The2014surveyshowsthatthreequartersoftheoriginalinhabitants(75%)are
upper-caste(primarilyRajput),andtheremainingquarterisoflower-casteorigin(primarilyDalit).
Duringparticipatorymappingexercises,Karhera’soriginalresidentsreportedthat,20yearsago,
theyhadreliedonagricultureasaprimarysourceoflivelihood. By2014,oursurveyshowedthatonly
24%ofkarhera’shouseholds(16%oforiginalhouseholdsand8%ofmigranthouseholds)stillcited
agricultureastheirprimarysourceofincome. Agriculture,has,withincreasingurbanization,becomea
secondaryoccupationandincreasinglyfeminized. Animalhusbandrytoohasdecreased,andisnow
primarilyforsubsistencepurposes. Morethanathirdofbothoriginalandmigranthouseholds,41%in
thecaseoforiginalinhabitantsand37%ofmigrants,dependondesk-basedprivatesectoremployment
suchasteaching,insurance,workingincallcenters,andasestatedealers.Afurther18%oforiginaland
10%ofmigranthouseholdshavebusinessesastheirprimarysourceofincome. Theseincluderepair
andgroceryshops,transportbusinesses,factories,andgarages. Onlyasmallpercentageoforiginal
inhabitants (6%) and no migrants held government posts or were former-government employees.
Only15%oftheoriginalhouseholds,ascomparedto30%ofmigranthouseholds,reliedonmanual
laborastheirprimarylivelihood(drivers, factoryworkers, andmechanics). Themajorityofthese
manuallaborersarelower-caste.
3.2. TransformationsandPollutioninKarhera
Urbanizationhasinvolvedseveralmajortransitionsintermsofhowbusyandbuiltuptheareais,
changestothewatersupplyandreductionsinlandavailability;inconjunctionwithenvironmental
degradation. Karhera,onceaquietruralvillage,isnowabustlingarea. NewroadsconnectGhaziabad
toDelhi,trafficisconstantandaccompaniedbynoise,people,andpollution. Newbuildings,shopping
malls,andurbanactivitiesnowcharacterizethearea[3,28].
Waterhasbecomescarcer. Largeamountsofwaterareconsumedbytheindustrialsectorandby
thegovernmentofGhaziabad,whichhasinstalledsubmersiblewaterpumpsinperi-urbanlocations
inordertosupplywatertothenewurbanestablishments,includinghigh-riseapartmentsandmalls.
Theresulthasbeenaloweringofthewatertable. AreassuchasKarherahavebeenaffectedbythese
urbanizationprocesses,andtheirtubewellsnolongerprovideadequatesourcesofwater[3,26]. Water
shortageshavealsoreducedtheamountoflandsuitableforcultivation. Forexample,muchofthe
Hindon River bank is no longer suitable for cultivation. Agricultural land has also been diverted
to urban use. This includes industrial clusters, infrastructure construction, new roads, real-estate
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 6of17
development,andurbanleisureactivities. Morespecifically,thegovernmenthasacquisitioned—over
theyears—Karhera’sruralland: 42acresinthe1960sfortheHindonAirForcebaseandthecreationof
LoniIndustrialarea;104acresforthe1987VasudharaVikasAwasschemeandnewurbansettlements;
and,landfortheGhaziabadMasterPlanwhichcameintoforcein2005[28]. In2014,whena“City
Forest”wascreatedtomeettheleisureandgreeningdemandsofanurbanmiddle-classpopulation,
and a flyover and power station were built. Although some farmers reported receiving limited
compensationfortheselandacquisitions,duringinterviewsandmappingsessions,Karhera’sresidents
emphasized that land had been taken from them. They have also, in the early 1990s, sold land
to outsiders who built new residences in the “new Karhera colony”. At the time of the research,
theproposeddevelopmentofthemetrolineledKarhera’sland-holderstobelievethattheywould
soonlosemoreland.
3.3. AgricultureinaRapidlyUrbanizingContext
In 2014, almost half of Karhera’s households (42%) still relied on agriculture to make some
contribution towards their livelihoods. For just under a quarter of households (24%), it was their
primarysourceoflivelihoodanditprovidedasecondaryincomefornearlyafifthofhouseholds(18%).
Therehavenonethelessbeensignificantshiftsfrompredominantlycereal-basedfarmingtointensive,
small-scalespinachfarming. ThiscontraststoKarhera’spreviousstatus,aprimaryagriculturalarea
withawiderangeofstapleandvegetablecrops,bestknownforitswheatandcarrots.
Irrigated agriculture occurs on fields located about 4 km from Karhera’s residential area.
ThesefieldsareclosetotheHindon,andhavetraditionallybeenirrigatedbywaterfromtheriverand
wells. Overtime,asthewatertabledropped,farmerswerecompensatedbyusingborewells. Thesein
turnhavedriedupandthosefarmerswhocanaffordto,haveinstalledwaterpumpsubmersibles.
Whentalkingaboutthesefields,thevillagersrefertocropsgrownin“cleanwater”. Asshownabove,
however,boththeHindonandthegroundwaterishighlypollutedbyindustrialcontaminants.
Acollectiveirrigationsystem,designedandmanagedbyKarhera’sresidentsandthePanchayat
(the local form of village governance prior to Karhera becoming an urban ward), irrigates fields
locatedclosertoKarherausingdomesticwastewater(andwherefeasibletubewellwater). Karhera’s
villagersdecideduponthisirrigationsystemabout25yearsagowhendomesticwellswerebecoming
increasinglysaline/polluted,andothertraditionalwatersources(communitypondsorjhora)were
filled-intomakewayfornewroads. Residentsalsoinstalledsubmersiblestoensuretheirdomestic
watersupply. Thesefactors,inconjunctionwithpipedwaterandnewurbanbehaviors(dailywashing)
ledtolargequantitiesofdomesticwastewaterorgandapani(literally,dirtywater). Assubmersibles
wereexpensiveandwaterprecious,drainswerebuilttodirectgandapani(domesticwastewater)to
irrigatethesefields.
Whereas, peoplehadpreviouslygrownawidevarietyofcrops, includingwheat, rice, carrot,
turnip,bottlegourd,sorghum,andfodder,usinggandapanifacilitatedgreenleafyvegetablegrowing
inresponsetourbanmarketdemands. Spinachsoonbecame“thecrop”. Itthrivedwellindomestic
waste,hadashortproductioncycle,wasinhighdemand,andwasnotlikedbywildanimals. Asone
residentexplainedduringaninterview: “Itsohappenedthatbecauseoftheshrinkingoftheforests,
wildpigsandNielGai(antelope)startedtodestroyourstandingcrops”.
The wastewater used in the irrigation system was, at first, only from cooking and bathing.
However, as submersibles were installed in the village, even more wastewater became available.
Thiseasedthevillagers’needsfordomesticwaterandmeantthatwomencouldwashclothingathome,
ratherhavingtogototheriverorastream. Thisalsomeantthatflushtoiletsbecamemorecommon,
andasmoreandmoremigrantssettledinKarhera,sotheamountsofwastewaterincreased.Inaddition,
onceKarherabecameanurbanward,thevillagePanchayatdisintegrated. Asaconsequence,thedrains
werenolongermaintainedandgandapanicametocontainfecalmatter. Spinachthrivesinthispolluted
water,growingveryquicklyandproviding,all-year-round,aharvestevery20–30days. Agroupof
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 7of17
Rajput(upper-caste)elderlywomendiscussedthesubsequentprioritizationofspinachfarmingina
participatorymappingexercise:
Carrotandwheatwilltakeaminimumof4monthstomature. Butinthesametimespinachgrows
throughoutyearandittakeshardlytakesonemonth,nowseethisisonekiyari(plantbed),andin
thiskiyarithespinachismaturednow. Wewillcutthisandatthesametimeintheverynextkiyari
wesowanotherspinach. Soit’seasyanditwillworkandcarryonlikethis. Itdoesnotneedmuch
physicalwork,thereisnoneedofploughthefield,justgivewater,puttheseedinorspreadtheseeds
intothefield. That’sallitneeds.
During participatory sessions, residents explained that spinach farming is lucrative and has
brought financial stability to those families engaged in cultivation. It has also enabled women to
achievefinancialindependence. Forexample,awidownamedShantiRaniwasoneofthefirstwomen
inKarheratotakeup,andtosurviveexclusivelyonspinachcultivation. Asotherwomen,discussing
Shantiexplained: “Yes,wearemakinggoodmoney. Looksheisgrowingspinachbyherself;shecuts
theharvestandsellsinthemarket. Sothemoneyremainswithher”.
InKarhera,spinachgrowningandapaniispreferredtothatgrownin“cleanwater”becausethe
useofwastewaterreducesproductioncosts(waterisfreeandlessfertilizerisrequired). Inaddition,
thereisnodifferentiationinsaleprice,andsomemen,inparticipatorymappingsessions,suggested
thatgandapanispinachismoremarketable: “Thespinachwhichisgrowninuncleanwatersellsfaster
in the market because of its shine. It shines because it is getting pure and natural dung so this is
thedifference”. MotherDairyistheonlybuyerthatspecifiesthatcropsmustbeirrigatedin“clean
water”crops. Createdasagovernmentsubsidiary,thisprivatecompanybuysandsellsagricultural
produce. Vegetables and fruit are dealt with through Safal, which aims to establish a “direct link
betweengrowersandconsumers”inordertoprovidefresh,healthyproduce.IntheDelhimetropolitan
region,Safalissynonymouswith“quality,trustandvalue”. However,Safal/MotherDairydoesnot
paymoreforthisspinach.
Arable land supplied with gandapani is highly desirable because of the access to free water;
proximitytothevillagesolesstimeisspentwalkingandtransportingequipmentandproduce;and,
becauseofthefrequentandhighspinachyields. Moreover,“cleanwater”fieldsrequireinfrastructure
toensureconstantirrigation.Thetubewellsandboringspreviouslymanagedbythatfarmersnolonger
providewaterbecauseoftheloweringofthegroundwatertable. Theinstallationofsubmersiblesis
expensiveandthebenefitsuncertain. AsSurajexplains,“theyalsoneedtospendongeneratortorun
thesubmersibleandtractortotilltheland. Itmeansonlythosefarmerswhocanspendaround5lakhs
(or500,000rupees)cancultivate”.
Takeforexample,thefollowingtwocases,bothderivedfromthein-depthinterviews:
Jayawatiandherhusband’stubewellsfailedwhenthegovernmentsubmersible,whichprovides
watertomiddle-classcoloniesinGhaziabad,wasinstalled. Previouslyitwaspossibletoaccessground
waterat30feet,butnow,Jayawatisays,itisbelow250feet. “Earlierwehaveboringinourfield,butit
doesnotworknow”. Theydecidedtoinstallasubmersible. “Icannotallowmychildrentostarve,soI
havetakenaloanof2lakhrupeesandhaveinstalledthesubmersibleinthefield”.
Sushil’slandislocatednearthefoothillswherethereisnoconnectivitytothegandapanidrainage
system. Thetubewellonhislandfailedduetothegovernmentsubmersiblethathasbeeninstalled
alongside it. This has meant that he has to buy water at the rate of 350 rupees per hour. For him,
agriculturehasbecomeverycostly. Afteralltheexpensesonwaterandfertilizer;hemakesonlya
smallprofitor,inhiswords,he“ishardlyleftwithsomemoney”.
As a consequence, some land owners allow their lands to lie barren as they cannot afford to
farm. Othershave, forthesamereason, decidedtosell. Asonefarmerexplained, “Heretheprice
oflandisveryhighi.e.,50thousandpergaj[squareyard]. So,thefarmersprefertoselltheirlands,
thanstarving”. Gandapanispinachfarmingis,however,thriving.
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3.4. EnvironmentalPollution
Despite these pressures on land and water, almost half of Karhera’s population (42%) is
involvedinfarminginonewayortheother. Thismeansthatthesepeopleareintimatelyconnected
with the environment on a daily basis. They are the ones most affected by—and best placed to
recognize—environmentalpollutionanddegradation. Theyaretheonesmostlikelytoexperienceany
healthconsequencesbecauseoftheirclosecontactwiththewater,air,andsoil. InKarhera,pollution
concernsprimarilythewater(describedabove)andtheair.
AsisthecaseinmanyofIndia’speri-urbanvillages,Karhera’sresidentsareawareofindustrial
contamination. IndustriesareknowntobepumpinguntreatedwaterandeffluentsintotheHindon.
Thiscontaminationhaspercolatedthesoil,makinggroundwaterunsuitableforhumanconsumption.
Industries and factories have also reportedly pumped toxic water directly into the water table.
TheseformsofpollutionarewellrecognizedbyKarhera’sresidents,whoallstressedthepoorquality
ofwater. Theycomplainthatthishaspollutedtheriver,whichhadpreviouslybeenasignificantsource
ofwater. Onesuchexample,sharedinaninterview,comesfromUmesh,whohaslivedinKarheraall
hislife:
ForthevillagersHindonhappenstobeaverygoodriver. WeusedtodrinkwaterfromHindon.
We used to take bath also. Sometimes while working in the fields we used to even drink water.
ThewaterofHindonusedtobesocleanthatyoucaneasilyseeanycoinfallingthere. However,
withthecomingoftheindustries,theriverwaterstartedtobecomedirty. Thedrainsofthecities
wereconnectedtoHindon;thedrainsofthefactoriesalsowereconnected. Tillwhatlevelwouldthe
riverbearthispollution?
AsecondexamplecomesfromHarishSingh,aretiredveterinarianandnowfarmerfromKarhera:
“Fromthetimewhenthefactoriesstartedtodrainoutthecontaminatedwater,fromthenonwards
the Hindon River started to get polluted”. Nowadays, the water from the Hindon is, as villagers
say,“black”fromthefactorydrains,andisnolongerusedforirrigationordrinking. Thispolluted
water has been linked to a range of diseases. As one upper-caste male vendor explained during
the participatory mapping: “Look, some survey revealed that the Hindon River is causing cancer.
Therearecasesofcancerinthevillage. Manypeoplehavebeenaffected. Thereasonhasbeenthe
[contaminationofthe]drinkingwater”. Thisarticulationofenvironmentalhealththreatsisechoedby
JamunaDevi,alsofromKarhera. Shesaid“allthehealthproblemssuchascancer,highbloodpressure,
andjointpainsamongthepeopleofyoungagearecausedbythewater”.
Using sewage water for crop irrigation can also have negative consequences. Srinivasan and
Reddy[29]arguethatitcanleadtoincreasedlevelsofmorbidity,andthereisscientificevidencethat
heavymetalcontaminationincropscanstemfromwastewatervegetableproduction,withspinachand
otherleafyvegetablesbeingparticularlypronetoheavymetaluptake[30–32]. Growingspinachalso
requiressignificantamountsoftimespenthandlingthecropsandbeingexposedtothepollutedwater.
Thisexposurecan,afterafewyears,resultinarangeofill-definedsymptomssuchasheadaches,skin
diseases,fever,stomachailments,anddiarrhea. Microbialinfections(includingpathogenicviruses,
bacteria,andprotozoa)mayalsobetransmittedinthiswater. Intheperi-urbanareasofHyderabad
City, poor water quality produces “high morbidity and mortality rates, malnutrition, reduced life
expectance,etc.”[29]. Thisisparticularlyprevalentamongstwomenlivinginthevillages,becauseof
thetimespentweedingandtheirextensivecontactwiththesoil.
There is, however, no uniform articulation of environment/health threats associated with
gandapaniandspinachfarminginKarhera. Asrevealedbythein-depthinterviews,andparticipatory
mapping, not everyone is comfortable with this form of irrigation and with the consumption of
producegrowninwastewater. AsUmeshsays“thespinachgrowningandapaniisnothealthy. Theroot
absorbsthedirtywaterandthepollutingagents. Theseagentsthenenterintotheplant. Sowhen
weeatthatitentersthehumanbodyandcausesdisease”. AmberSingh,whocultivatesavarietyof
vegetables,avoidsbuyingvegetablesfromthemarketashecannotbesureaboutthewaterusedto
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 9of17
irrigatethevegetables. Asheandhisfamilyarestillabletoirrigatetheirlargelandholdingswith
“cleanwater”,andtheyconsumeonlythisproduce. Similarly,Bina,onlyeatsspinachgrownin“clean
water”. She says that the wastewater used for irrigation contains latrine and toilet waste from all
Karhera’shouseholds: “Everybodyhasputpipesandthereareneitherditchesnortanks. Andthe
(toilet)wastegoesdirectlytothedrain. Andsotheircropgrowsfaster.... theimpactonhealthis
apparent. Wenevereatthatspinach”. Bina’smother-in-lawaddedthat,recently,herson“hadgot
dhaniya[coriander]anditlookeddirty... WhenIpickedup,Isawithadfecesonit”.Thiswastakenas
aclearindicationofhealth-harmingcontamination. Theseresidents,whodoarticulateconcernswith
gandapani,havedevelopedstrategiestoprotectthemselvesfrompotentialcontamination. Forexample,
because Kasturi Devi develops allergies when she is exposed to the wastewater, she wears shoes
toprotectherfeetwhenworkinginthefieldsand,immediatelyafterleavingthefields,washesher
handswithDettol. However,despiteperceivinghealthrisksrelatedtogandapanispinachconsumption,
theseresidents’concernsdidnotinspirecollectivemobilizationtochallengethepractice(discussed
furtherbelow).
Somepeoplebelieved,however,thatthespinachorexposuretogandapaniwasnotunhealthyand
articulatedthisininterviews. JeevanLal,forexample,argued“Thereisnodiseasehereduetospinach
cultivation”,andothersagreethatthewatertheyuseforirrigationis“justhouseholdwater”. Assuch,
andasSantoshexplained,thereisnoharminusinggandapaniforirrigationandconsumingthespinach.
Dhanushsimilarlypointsoutthatthe“gandapaniremainsintherootsofthespinach”,andwhenthe
spinachisgrown,therootsarethrownaway. Asaresult,“thereisnoeffectonhealth. And[thisis
evident because] for the past 16–17 years, sewage water is used to grow spinach [and no-one has
becomeill]”.Theseinhabitantsconsumethisspinachanddonotarticulateanyconcernsaboutpossible
environment/healththreats.
Air pollution, like water pollution, is highly visible in Karhera. During our first community
meetingwithvillageelders,theypointedtotheblacksmokeemittedfromoneofthenearbyfactories.
Residentscomplainedthatwashinghangingonthelinebecamecontaminatedwithblacksootand
questioned whether this soot was also entering their lungs and causing harm. According to the
villagers, air pollution was the reason behind the increasing cases of non-communicable diseases.
They drew a direct correlation between the health of Karhera’s residents and the proximity of the
factories,arguingthatthefactoriescausedtremendousharm. TezpalSingh,forexample,suggested
thatthetoxinsintheaircouldbecausingcancerinthevillage. Duringacommunitymappingexercise,
themensaid:
Diabetes, cancer, high [blood] pressure can be seen more [frequently]. There is a factory at the
vicinityofthisvillage[referringtoadyefactorywhichcolorsjeansand/orarubberfactorywhich
burnsrubber]. Thesmokefromthisfactoryspreadsintothevillage.
Thepollutedairfromtheindustriesisalsoseentoaffectcrops. Duringthesamecommunity
mappingexercise,themendirectlyassociatedpollutedairwithaplantdiseasecalledChandi(lit. silver)
which destroyed crops. The glittering coating and fungus was most prevalent each year during
Diwali,andresidentslinkedthistotheadditionalcontaminantsintheair,causedbyfactoryemissions
combiningwithDiwalipollution.
Otherscommentedthatthefactoriesexertedatremendousnegativeimpactonthehealthand
agricultureofthevillage. Umeshsaid“wecanseeblackmarksontheleavesoftheplants. Theleaves
oftheplantsgetcoveredwiththetinyblackdustthatcomesintheairfromthefactory”. Rajniargued
that,sometimes,thespinachleavesinherfieldsshrinkanddryduetothispollutedair;atothertimes
theleavesareinfectedbyafungusandhercropspoils.
4. Discussion: Peri-UrbanLiving
Environmental justice movements have worked with communities to challenge environmental
pollutionwhilesimultaneouslyaddressinghealthinequities[12–14].Inperi-urbanareas,environmental
Int.J.Environ.Res.PublicHealth2017,14,980 10of17
justice issues are often particularly stark. While all peri-urban residents may experience air and
waterpollution,thepooraredisproportionatelyaffectedinthattheyalsolackdecentsanitationand
accesstomedicalservices,whileworkinginunregulatedconditionsandwithcontaminatedsoiland
crops[24,33],andmaybeparticularlydependentonnaturalresourcesfortheirlivelihoods[21,22].
Furthermore,theyhavefarlessabilitytocontroltheirexposuresandlesschoice. Theycannotescape
theunsavorywaterbypurchasingexpensivedrinkingwater. Theirconstantandextensiveexposureto
awiderangeofpollutantsthreatenstheirlivelihoodsandhealth. AsDouglasargues,“thereisacritical
peri-urbanhumanecologywherehealthycropplantsandhealthyhumanlifegohandinhand”[24].
Inotherperi-urbanareasofIndia,therehasbeenconsiderableconcernaboutvegetableproduction
andtheexposuretotoxinsandpollutants. Waterandairpollutionhavebeenthesubjectofnumerous
newspaperarticlesandhave,onoccasion,resultedincivilsocietyprotestsagainstpollutingindustries.
InKarhera,therehaveonlybeenafewisolatedattemptstoaddressenvironmentalpollutiondespite
officialrecognitionofthecontaminatedenvironment[26]. SomeofKarhera’sresidentshadcomplained
aboutaparticularfactorytothepolicestation. But,nothingwasdone. Effortssuchastheseunderline
thelackofcollectiveactioninKarhera. TherearenocommunityNGOsaddressingpollution,thereare
no local attempts to treat wastewater before irrigating, there are no Karhera activists and no local
politicalleadersarticulatingenvironmentalconcerns(discussedfurtherbelow). Thereasonsforthis
stem,inpart,fromthediverseviewsonwhetherspinachgrowningandapaniisdamagingtohealth
andinpartfromtheheterogeneousnatureofthecommunity,themutualinterdependenciesbetween
theseresidentsandthediversewaysinwhichdifferentmembersofthecommunitybenefit(orlose
out)fromurbanization.
Conventionalliteraturefocusesonhowlow-income,marginalizedracialorethniccommunities
tend to experience much higher levels of exposure to toxins [34–37]. These differential levels of
risk mean that low-income communities are often far more aware of the pollution and toxins
than middle-class residents who are better able to control their environments through mitigating
measures[38]. Fewstudiesexaminecontextswherethepeoplelivinginlow-incomesettlementsdo
not recognize the health challenges associated with toxins or pollutants (but see [37]) or contexts
where poor, marginalized communities and middle-class residents live cheek-by-jowl and where
recognitionofhazardsdoesnotfollowsocio-economicdivisions. However,inKarheraexposureto
pollutionandrecognitionofriskcannotbedisaggregatedbyclassoridentity. Asrevealedbysurveys,
interviews, and participatory mapping, here almost all farmers engaging in agriculture are using
wastewater. Thisincludesmen,women,upper-caste,lower-caste,migrants,andoriginalinhabitants.
Halfoftheoriginalupper-caste,land-owningfarmersinterviewedwerehappytoeatspinachgrown
ingandapani,whiletheotherhalfwerenot. Butallofthenon-landed,whetherupper-casteorDalit,
migrantororiginalinhabitants,atethespinachtheyproduced. Inthisgroup,mostpeopledidnot
acknowledgeanypotentialhealththreats. However,thepoorestoftheupper-casteoriginalinhabitants
who no longer own land, ate this spinach while articulating concerns about gandapani. We found
nocleardistinctionsbetweenmen’sviewsandthoseofwomen. Thislackofcleardivisionsreflects
theheterogeneousnatureofagriculturalistsinKarhera. Herefarmingisundertakenbynearlyhalf
Karhera’sresidents: originalinhabitantsandmigrants(bothlong-termandrecentlyarrived),people
whohavelargeandsmalllandholdings,peoplewhofarmanimals(buffaloandpigs),andpeople
whofarmcrops,upperandlower-casteresidentsandmigrants,hiredworkers,farmerswhorentland,
share-croppingfarmersandland-ownerstendingtheirownlands. Maintainingalivelihoodthrough
agricultureinKarherarequiresconstantinteractionsandmutualdependencyacrosssocialdividesof
classandidentity. Land-ownersmaydependonrentsearnedfromleasingarablelandorcultivationof
theirownplots. Somepoorerresidentsdependonopportunitiestoworkinothers’fields,whileothers
areengagedinpurchasingandsellingofproduceinthemarkets. Ultimately,thelargenumbersof
peopledirectlyorindirectlydependentonagricultureacrossthesocialspectrumisaninfluencing
factorincontinuedmarginalconcernoverhealthrisksassociatedwithgandapanicultivationandthe
consumptionofproducegrownunderthismethod.