Perceptions and Strategies of Arcticness in Sub-Arctic Europe

121 Pages·2014·1.15 MB·English

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PERCEPTIONS AND STRATEGIES OF
ARCTICNESS IN SUB-ARCTIC EUROPE
Edited Andris Sprūds and Toms Rostoks
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UDK 327(4)
Pe 505
The notion of the Arcticness is on the rise and increasingly influences stra-
tegic considerations of global and regional actors. During the last few dec-
ades the interests of many international actors in the Arctic region have
significantly increased. In the last decades Arctic countries have been active
politically and institutionally. However, not only the Arctic countries are
interested in the region. Therefore, this research project intends to address
all these questions and examine the developing perceptions and strategies of
the Arcticness among the number of sub-Arctic countries. The publication
is freely downloadable at www.liia.lv.
Editors: Andris Sprūds and Toms Rostoks
Project director: Mārtiņš Vargulis
Authors: Norbert Beckmann-Dierkes, Andris Sprūds, Toms Rostoks, Kristīne
Bērziņa, Alyson Bailes, Margrét Cela, Katla Kjartansdóttir, Kristinn Schram, Lassi
Heininen, Piotr Kościński, Wojciech Lorenz, Lidia Puka, Stefan Steinicke, Steffen
Weber, Mārtiņš Vargulis, Mindaugas Jurkynas.
English language editor: Emily Kernot
Cover photo: © www.shutterstock.com, photographer – Patrick Poendl
© Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2014
© Authors of the articles, 2014
© Ieva Stūre (design), 2014
© SIA Hansa Print Riga (printing), 2014
ISBN 978-9984-583-51-8
Note: each author’s individual style has been preserved in the references.
This publication is supported by
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Contents
Introduction
Norbert Beckmann-Dierkes, Andris Sprūds, Toms Rostoks . . . . . . . 9
Why the Arctic matters for the rest of Europe
Kristīne Bērziņa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
The development of an EU Arctic policy: interests,
objectives, and initiatives
Steffen Weber. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Iceland: small but central
Alyson Bailes, Margrét Cela,
Katla Kjartansdóttir, Kristinn Schram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Foreign policy interests of Finland in the Arctic
Lassi Heininen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
A slow train coming. Germany´s emerging Arctic policy
Stefan Steinicke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119
Poland in the Arctic: seeking the balance
Piotr Kościński, Wojciech Lorenz, Lidia Puka . . . . . . . . . . . . .147
Looking at northern lights:
a (non)existent Arctic in Lithuania
Mindaugas Jurkynas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .169
Latvia in the Arctic: a case study of risks
and opportunities for a small sub-Arctic countries
Mārtiņš Vargulis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .193
Conclusion: what role is there
for sub-Arctic states in the Arctic’s future?
Toms Rostoks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217
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INTRODUCTION
Norbert Beckmann-Dierkes, Andris Sprūds, Toms Rostoks
The Arctic is on the rise. Despite the recent events in Ukraine and the
Russian annexation of Crimea that have shaken the Euro-Atlantic secu-
rity architecture, there is no denying that, even if temporarily sidelined,
the importance of the High North in global politics is bound to increase.
The Arctic is becoming ubiquitous and important by its ever-growing
impact on global political and economic configuration. The continuous
melting of the Arctic ice sheets has effectively placed the issues of the
High North on the global agenda. The transformation of the Arctic’s eco-
system has created substantial concerns over the implications of climate
change on the Arctic ecosystems. In the meantime, new windows of op-
portunities are opening. The Arctic is becoming increasingly accessible,
especially for transportation and exploration of natural resources. Melt-
ing of the Arctic ice sheets is gradually opening new shipping routes
that may have both global and regional significance. Although it is clear
that natural resources are abundant in the Arctic, the exact potential for
mining and hydrocarbon extraction is still unknown. In other words, the
Arctic is becoming a regional and global “game changer”.
The Arctic is undergoing a rapid process of transformation that has
far-reaching implications for both actors who are already active in the re-
gion and those who are in the process of defining their interests and still
thinking about whether to become stakeholders or not. Unsurprisingly,
the Arctic has become anything but another important chessboard for
playing out and defending national interests. Both Arctic and sub-Arctic
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actors are in the process of (re)discovering their Arcticness, and the detailed strategies with regard to the High North. But the transforma-
presence of this notion increasingly influences strategic considerations tion of the Arctic will continue and a number of developments may be
of global and regional actors. During the last few decades the interests expected. Two of them stand out as important for the Baltic countries in
of many international actors in the Arctic region have significantly in- general, and Latvia, in particular. Firstly, the rapidly growing importance
creased. This has gradually made the region an arena of both cooperative of the Arctic has not yet resulted in the common EU approach towards
efforts and conflicts of geopolitical and economic interests. Obviously, Arctic region. Most European countries perceive and act in the Arctic
the ambitions and interests to access the “Arctic pie” have motivated from the national point of view. Indeed, the number of Arctic adopted in
most of the Arctic countries to be active politically and institutionally. recent years is impressive. However, the European countries increas-
This has already led to cooperative efforts, but also conflicts over the ingly understand the importance of joint activities. This raises questions
perceived national interests and rights among the adjacent countries of of the future EU policy towards the Arctic region and Baltic contribu-
the Arctic Ocean. International competition has gone hand in hand with tion and role in this context. Secondly, the Baltic States have shown lit-
an increasing Arctic awareness on domestic level and societal expec- tle interest with regard to the Arctic. Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are
tations that the respective national governments will pursue effective clearly among the geographically most northern countries in Europe,
strategies with regard to the High North. yet the Baltic States lack awareness and strategies of Arcticness. This
The Arctic’s “big five”- Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia and the is surprising because there are both formative geopolitical challenges
United States naturally are the most formative stakeholders in the Arc- and windows of opportunities and potential gains from a deeper integra-
tic. Agreements on the delineation of borders and transportation passag- tion in and with the region. Baltic States have clearly formulated policies
es are on the agenda and pending. However, not only the Arctic countries with regard to Eastern Partnership countries. Latvia has attempted to
are interested in the High North. Countries without a direct access to develop expertise on Central Asia and be active with regard to this re-
the Arctic Ocean - Sweden, Finland and Iceland are permanent mem- gion. Thus, the Baltic absence from the High North is intriguing. This
bers of the Arctic Council, a main body determining the future policy in publication effectively intends to place the Arctic on the Baltic agenda
the northern polar region. Other European countries, such as Germany, and beyond because it combines Arctic approaches and strategies of a
France, Netherlands, Poland, United Kingdom and even Spain and Italy number of Baltic Sea region countries, including Iceland. This volume
have acquired permanent observer status. Moreover, membership bids of aims to examine the developing Arctic perceptions and strategies among
Asian countries such as China, Japan, South Korea, India and Singapore a number of diverse Baltic Sea region countries whom we dare to name
were successful in 2013. The Arctic increasingly features on the global as sub-Arctic countries: Finland, Iceland, Germany, Poland, Latvia and
rather than just regional political and diplomatic agendas. The traditional Lithuania.
High North is effectively becoming a Wider North. Thus, Arctic issues The successful implementation of the current research project on
may serve as a platform for building lasting cooperative efforts between the notions and strategies of Arcticness in sub-Arctic Europe was ena-
the Arctic and sub-Arctic countries. Conversely, conflict over the access bled by productive partnership between Konrad Adenauer Foundation
to the Arctic is also a possibility. and Latvian Institute of International Affairs. This reflects not only in-
This far, the Baltics have remained outside formal Arctic-related tensifying institutional cooperation but an increasing understanding and
institutional frameworks and diplomatic chessboards. Even more im- cooperation between the countries. Even if the trajectories and scope
portantly, the Baltic States have formulated neither general visions nor of the interests, policies and capacities of Germany and Latvia in the
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High North are very different, a gradual convergence is observable. In decision makers of the issues that unequivocally will shape Latvia’s po-
the recent years, Germany has demonstrated a considerable and grow- litical and economic future. The new energy sources and supply routes
ing interest in the issues related to climate change, economic issues and through the Arctic may bring both challenges and opportunities to the
diplomatic interaction in the Arctic. Germany has established itself as countries of sub-Arctic Europe, including Latvia. The Arctic may pro-
an observer state in the Arctic Council that reflects its understanding vide substantial commercial opportunities – from the fisheries, use of
of regional presence. As explained at a later point in this book, German biogenetic resources to the new shipping routes. It may also facilitate
Arctic policy increasingly demonstrates the attempts to set a coherent regional co-operation, including co-operation in high technology through
strategy with regard to the High North. EU research programmes, where Latvia already participates.
The Konrad Adenauer Foundation has been among the pioneers and The current joint research project also takes a full advantage of the
proponents of such coherent and comprehensive approach to the High long tradition of prolific cooperation between the Latvian Institute of
North in Germany and beyond. The Foundation has stressed the geo- International Affairs and its international partner institutions in the re-
political, economic and societal meaning of changes in the Arctic region gion and beyond. The international body of researchers was deemed as
since already a number of years by contributing to high-level conferenc- imperative to achieve the objectives of the research project on the com-
es, discussions and publications on Arctic issues. There are many non- parative analysis of the Arctic notions and strategies in the sub-Arctic
governmental organizations that deal with the Arctic in different fields Europe. The authors remained free to contribute their own idiosyncratic
but only few who are able to establish a linkage between political and emphases and assessments and this diversity of approaches was essen-
economic expertise, intellectual undertaking and political practice. The tially perceived as an important element in reflecting the plurality of
Konrad Adenauer Foundation endeavors to serve as bridging agency to opinions and the multifaceted nature of the Arctic agenda. sub-Arctic
promote interconnection among variety of interests in different coun- countries are different. Finland and Iceland are both Arctic and sub-Arc-
tries. tic. Both countries are permanent members of Arctic Council and both
The Latvian Institute of International Affairs is more than happy to have adopted the national Arctic strategies. Germany and Poland have
establish a productive partnership with the Konrad Adenauer Founda- become observer states in the Arctic Council and have formulated rather
tion to facilitate the debate on the High North issues in the Baltic coun- elaborate Arctic strategies. Latvia and Lithuania have only recently be-
tries and Latvia, in particular. The Latvian Institute of International come more aware of the processes taking place in the High North. This
Affairs since its establishment has aimed to provide Latvia’s decision- is also a reflection of a variety of foreign policy capacities. Iceland and
makers, experts, and the wider public with analysis, recommendations, Latvia suffered considerably during the recent economic crisis and this
and information about international developments, regional security is- has clearly limited the scope of ambition, while Germany is the largest
sues, and foreign policy strategy and choices. The institute has focused economy in Europe. Also, the European Union increasingly sees itself
on the issues important to the Baltic countries, and particularly Latvia, as an actor in the High North though the European Commission has not
such as Transatlantic relations, developments of the European Union, gathered unequivocal support from the member states to speak with one
Baltic and Visegrad regional dimensions, neighborhood policy and East- voice.
ern Partnership, relations with Russia, and energy security. The policy This diversity of authors with variety of national backgrounds also
analysis on the Arctic becomes a natural step in the institute’s intention provides for the possibility to analyze the countries included in this study
to widen and deepen the understanding among the Latvian public and in comparative perspective. In this regard, the authors were encouraged
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to write their country chapters in correspondence with the comparative of the Arctic Council and other major players such as Japan and China.
analytical framework developed by the editors of this study. The each Approaches of sub-Arctic Europe’s countries towards the Arctic have
country chapter endeavors to address the four issues. First, the authors received considerably less attention. This volume aims to fill that gap
were asked to assess the presence of the notion of Arcticness and na- at least partially. The Arctic issues range from security (security archi-
tional Arctic strategies in a country’s foreign policy. Countries vary in tecture, maritime borders, military deployments) to economic (trans-
terms of strategy formulation and perceptions but the trend is clear – the portation, minerals and energy) and environmental (climate change,
attention being paid to Arctic issues is on the rise. Second, the High biodiversity) and indigenous people (culture, social issues). Countries in
North draws attention of political and economic decision makers, NGO’s, sub-Arctic Europe may not have a stake in all of the abovementioned is-
economic interest groups, science and think tank community represent- sues, but it is hard to deny the existence of significant interdependencies
atives. Hence, it is important to understand the range of both domestic between the Arctic and sub-Arctic actors with regard to at least some of
and international actors and stakeholders who are involved in shaping these issues. One of the aims of this study is to raise Arctic awareness in
Arctic policies. Thus, the authors had to identify the range of domestic the Baltic States where it has hardly been present, but this volume also
Arctic stakeholders shaping the Arctic policies. Third, the growing im- provides a platform for interaction and dialogue between the Arctic and
portance of the High North has resulted in Arctic issues being discussed sub-Arctic countries.
in various bilateral and multilateral frameworks. The authors were asked The future scenarios of the developments in the High North may
to find out which countries have used which frameworks for dealing with vary. Tension and conflict cannot be excluded, but for the time being,
Arctic issues. The UN negotiated Convention on Law of the Seas re- the Arctic, perhaps surprisingly, is a textbook case of international coop-
mains the major legal instrument of arbitration in the High North. The eration. The literature on High North is almost unanimous in stressing
regional Arctic Council has been strengthened recently by the new per- that currently cooperation prevails over conflict. Arctic cooperation may
manent secretariat. Simultaneously, other initiatives exist: the Barents suffer, however, if relations among great powers, most notably, Russia
Euro-Arctic Council, the Northern Dimension with “Arctic window” and the United States deteriorate. Russian annexation of Crimea in the
element, the informal Arctic Circle whose first meeting took place in face of Western criticism is likely to result in less benevolent interna-
Iceland in 2013. Eventually, each country has its own set of preferences tional environment with considerably less great power cooperation. The
for initiatives and engagements. Fourth, the authors were encouraged to post-cold war international environment has turned out to be somewhat
provide a forward-looking perspective and recommendations in the con- more fragile than expected. Although it is highly unlikely that Arctic co-
cluding part of each country chapter. Having identified national differ- operation will be the first victim of souring relations between the United
ences within national and multilateral policy and institutional toolboxes, States and Russia, it may turn out impossible to shield the Arctic coop-
recommendations for further steps and best practices might be helpful eration from political fallout over the events in Ukraine. Interdependen-
not least because similar approaches to the Arctic may facilitate develop- cies between the Arctic and sub-Arctic actors are not only economic
ment of a common EU approach toward the Arctic. and environmental. They are also political which means that political
This publication does not engage with the Arctic directly, but it can tensions may harm current cooperative efforts in the High North. Better
still be perceived as an important addition to the existing literature on understanding of the variety of Arctic stakeholders and their interests
the High North because most attention until recently in academic litera- may not be enough to prevent conflicts from occurring, but it will defi-
ture has been paid to the Arctic strategies of the permanent members nitely provide a better understanding of the present situation. Improved
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understanding of Arctic issues and scenarios and stakeholders’ national
interests may result in synergies. Also, building better and more efficient
institutions in the High North may serve as a guarantee against conflict
and tension. And this book is a substantial step in that direction.
Why ThE ARCTIC MATTERS
FOR ThE REST OF EUROPE
Kristīne Bērziņa
As temperatures rise in the Arctic, scientists, shippers, and military
strategists are peering northward into what was, a few years ago, an
inaccessible mass of ice. In the past, the international community associ-
ated the Arctic with wildlife conservation and indigenous peoples’ rights.
But this decade has brought Arctic sea ice to record lows and opened the
region to a broader range of interested outsiders. Scientists are focus-
ing on the Arctic to measure the impact of increased greenhouse gas
emissions, and businesses are pursuing economic activity once thought
impossible in Arctic waters, such as maritime shipping and offshore oil
drilling.
The eight countries with territory above the Arctic Circle are best
positioned to manage the transformations coming to the region. But the
Arctic states are no longer the only stakeholders involved. Changing cli-
mate conditions are making the High North an important area for global
actors scientifically, economically, and strategically.
Europe is deeply tied to the Arctic. Three members of the European
Union (EU) and two members of the European Economic Area are also
Arctic states. Europe has made significant investments in scientific re-
search and economic development in the region. From a security per-
spective, Europeans are becoming concerned about their own Arctic
capabilities and are focusing strategic attention northward. Asian states
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are gaining observer status in the Arctic Council and investing in min- groups were first invited to join the Arctic Environmental Protection
ing and extractive industries, prompting further European anxiety. As a Strategy, the predecessor of the Arctic Council, as observers. These
result, European countries far south of the Arctic Circle are increasingly groups, including the Saami, Inuit, and Russian indigenous peoples,
involved in the region. gained the right to be consulted on decisions made by the Arctic states.
This chapter provides an overview of actors in the Arctic. It describes Over the course of the 1990s, the number of indigenous peoples’ or-
Europe’s engagement in the region and the drivers for the increased in- ganizations in the Arctic Council doubled. As indigenous groups have at-
terest. These drivers fall into three categories: immaterial interests, ma- tained broader rights of self-governance, they are playing an increasingly
terial interests, and security concerns. independent role in Arctic affairs.2
Although the Arctic Council is the main forum for Arctic questions,
different groups of Arctic states also meet in other settings to discuss
particular topics. For example, Iceland, Finland, and Sweden do not bor-
Arctic actors der the Arctic Ocean, so for issues pertaining to the Arctic Ocean the
other five states may meet separately. In 2008, Denmark convened the
The growth of interest in the Arctic has led to a proliferation of actors five Arctic Ocean littoral states under its Ilulissat Initiative to sign a
in the region. Traditional stakeholders – the Arctic states and the Arctic cooperation agreement. The agreement affirmed the validity of existing
Council – remain the region’s primary players. This said, ever more legal frameworks, expressed concern over the effects of climate change,
countries, organizations, and private companies are seeking to shape its and prompted efforts for greater cooperation on emergency prepared-
future. These new actors are geographically diverse and come from a ness, environmental stewardship, and scientific research in the Arctic
broad spectrum of sectors and industries. Ocean.3
The main political players in the Arctic are the eight states with ter- Non-Arctic states are playing an increasingly active role in the Arctic
ritory above the Arctic Circle: Canada, Denmark (including Greenland), region. The Arctic Council permits certain countries to serve as observ-
Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, and the United States. In ers, allowing these states to participate in working groups, attend Coun-
1996, these eight countries founded the Arctic Council, an intergovern- cil meetings, and propose projects through Arctic states or permanent
mental organization, to address issues related to trade, environment, participants. As of 2014, seven European and five Asian countries hold
climate change, indigenous peoples, and natural resources. The Arctic observer status: France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain,
Council often serves the function of an advisory body rather than a gov-
erning institution, since it was formed through a declaration (the Ottawa 2 For a thorough discussion of self-governance in the Arctic see Jens Dahl, Gail
Declaration) rather than by an international treaty. It commonly issues
Fondahl, Andrey Petrov, and Rune Sverre Fjellheim, “Fate Control,” in Arctic Social
non-binding recommendations instead of binding measures.1
Indicators - a follow-up to the Arctic Human Development Report, ed. Joan Nymand
The Arctic Council includes permanent representatives from indig- Larsen, Peter Schweitzer, and Gail Fondahl, 129-146. (Copenhagen: Nordic Council
enous communities and other residents of the region. Arctic indigenous of Ministers, 2010).
3 The Ilulissat Declaration, Arctic Ocean Conference, Illulisat Greenland, 27-28
1 Tereza Horejsova and Cody Morris Paris, “Tourism and the challenge of Arctic May 2008. Available from: http://www.oceanlaw.org/downloads/arctic/Ilulissat_
governance,” International Journal of Tourism Policy (IJTP), Vol. 5, No. 1/2 (2013). Declaration.pdf.
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