Pakistani Muslim Communities in Britain and Germany

306 Pages·2008·18.15 MB·English

6 1 Introduction 141

62 Ambiguities of Community 142
6 2 1 Negotiations and Proclamations of 'Our' Community and

'Their' Community 142

62 2 Divisions and Diversities Within 'Our' Community 149

6.2.3 Ambiguities and Absolutisms 150

6 3 Identities, Belonging and Boundaries 151

6.3.1 Contradictory Norms and Values of 'Us' and 'Them' 152

6 3.2 Islam Versus Palustani Culture 155
6 3.3 Reconstituting the Relationship Between Islam, Pakistani

Culture and Community Boundaries 158

6.3.4 Membership Versus Ownership of 'Our' Community 160
6 4 Perpetuation of Community Boundaries: Static Versus Fluid

Interpretations 163

64 1 Perpetuating Boundaries Through Ritual 163

64.2 Perpetuating Boundaries Through Education 167

64.3 Measuring Conformity 168

6 5 Conclusion 172
CHAPTER SEVEN
EXPERIENCES AN]) EXPECTATIONS OF CARE

7 1 Introduction 174

7.2 Caring for Elders Giving Them Izzat and Doing Their Khidmat 176

7.2.1 Financial Care 177

7 2.2 Emotional Care 180

7.2.3 Physical Care 182

7.2.4 Practical Care 184

7.2 5 The Changing Face of Care 186

7 3 Constructions and Negotiations of the Care Relationship 189

7.3.1 The Obligation to Care 189

7.3.2 The Reciprocity of Care 191

7 3 3 Negotiating the Care Relationship 195

7.4 'We Look After Their Own.. Don't We?' 200

7.4 1 The Symbolic Act of Care 200

7.4 2 Care: A Principle of Commumty 202

7.4.3 The Right to Care 204
7.5 Conclusion: Care of Elders Structural Imposition or Exercise of Agency9 206
CHAPTER EIGHT
REDEFINING MORAL VOICES TIlE CASE OF INTERGENERATIONAL
CARE

81 Introduction 208

82 Articulations of Morality and its Voices 210

8 2.1 Moral Voices of the Self 210

8 2.2 Moral Voices of the Community 214

83 Origins and Anchors of Moral Voices Continuity of Community 217

8.3 1 Perpetuating What it Means to be 'Us' 217
8 3.2 The Effects of Perpetuatrng 'Us' Through Care 220
8 4 A Question of Izzat 224
8 5 Resource, Identity, and Social Capital Negotiations with Morality 231
8 6 Conclusion Care of Elders - The Crux of Exclusion' 239
CHAPTER NINE
CONCLUSION - PAKISTANI MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN BRITAIN AND
GERMANY: FAMILIAL CARE OF ELDERS AND PROCESSES OF SOCIAL
EXCLUSION 241
APPENDIX Ia
PILOT STUDY QUESTIONS 253
APPENDIX lb
CHANGES TO QUESTION FRAME 256
APPENDIX 2
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS AND PROMPTS 257
APPENDIX 3
EXTRACT FROM TRANSLATION EXERCISE 260
APPENDIX 4
BASE DATA 261
APPENDIX 5a
COMMUNITY. NAVIGATING THE BOUNDARIES OF 'US' & 'THEM'
- GRID ANALYSIS 266
APPENDIX 5b
EXPERIENCES AND EXPECTATIONS OF CARE - GRID ANALYSIS 270
APPENDIX 5c
REDEFINING MORAL VOICES: THE CASE FOR INTERGENERATIONAL
CARE - GRID ANALYSIS 274
BIBLIOGRAPHY 278
a
Chapter 1
An Introduction
1.1 ContextuaiFrame g.'ork and Research Questions
This thesis explores processes of social exclusion within Pakistani Muslim
communities in Britain and Germany through the lens of informal familial care of
elders. In particular it considers the interface between individual experiences and
expectations of familial care and structural influences of community norms and
values. Through this exploration it provides a nuanced understanding of the
symbolic perpetuation of diasponc communities and o ffers insights into g rounded
theorisations of social exclusion
Wray has observed that the "connection between ethnicity and ageing is central to
understandmg what it means to grow old in Western society" (2003: 512) This
notwithstanding, "explorations of the ways in which ethnicity and migration
influence the expenence of ageing are still comparatively rare in British
gerontological literature" (Monarty et al, 2001) This gap is particularly evident
given that, "there has been little research that has looked closely and qualitatively at
minority ethnic older people's own views in the broader context of their lives and
beliefs" (Bowes and Dar, 2000: 307). Within the context of diasporic communities,
engaging with individual perspectives on growing older also has implications for
wider policy debates of social exclusion. As Vobruba observes "[t]he terms
inclusion/exclusion are the key to investigations of multidimensional dynamic
processes of integration and dis-integration within society, focusing on actors'
potentials in these processes" (2000. 604)
With these considerations m mind t hi thesis explores the p erception o f P alustani
Muslim elders in Britain and Germany with regard to their mclusion or exclusion
into the Pakistani Muslim community in light of shifting informal familial care
relationships. In so doing this thesis engages with and develops theories of social
exclusion from an individual perspective, focusing specifically upon Pakistani
Muslim familial care relationships between elders and their kin. The intellectual
aims of this enquiry are three-fold Firstly through a grounded understanding of
Pakistani Muslims' experiences and expectations this work offers a typology of care
that will inform conceptuahsations of the ethics underpinning the care relationship
(Williams, 2001, 2000) Secondly, it aims to further understandings of the way in
which diasponc communities seek to perpetuate their identities and boundaries
Page 1
An Introduction
Thirdly, it engages with theorisations of social exclusion from a micro-level
perspective. These aims are encapsulated in four research questions;
1. Flow, and why, is the care relationship between Pakistani Muslim elders and
their offspring, and/or kin, relevant to their (elder and offspring/kin) inclusion
into the Pakistani Muslim community7
2 What influence does the Pakistani Muslim community have on care
relationships between Pakistani Muslim elders and their kin, and why7
3. Is there a relationship between the influence of the community on the care
relationship and processes of social exclusion, and if so what7
4. How and why do individuals differentially expenence processes of social
exclusion?
Whilst this thesis makes reference to 'Pakistani Muslim' communities m Bntain and
Germany, it does not seek to imply homogeneity where there is none. Islam is
understood, interpreted and practised in many different ways, and as Lewis observes
"is less homogenous and less static than outsiders commonly suppose" (1994 59)
In focusing upon 'Pakistani Muslims', and explormg Islamic influences upon
community and familial care relationships, Islam is utihsed as a conceptual tool to
engage with the ways individuals negotiate daily social relations. This thesis does
not purport to suggest, or impose unity of belief, understanding or practice of Islam
Nor is the label 'Pakistani' used without the recognition that diversity permeates
through shared ethno-cultural heritage. Further, examples from the empirical data are
used as a means to illustrate, rather than represent, negotiations that occur within
diasponc Pakistani Muslim communities and between elders and their kin
1, Thesis Outline
The thesis is divided into 9 chapters, of which the first is this Introduction Chapter 2
focuses upon the debates relating to the theoretical concepts of community and
identity. Erected on the premise of difference, the sociological unit of community
necessarily demarcates between 'them' and 'us'. From the outset the domain of
community is one of exclusivity. As such, 'community' forms an essential
conceptual apparatus for the exploration of social exclusion Chapter 2 seeks to
accord the term 'community' conceptual clarity, focusing specifically on the issue of
community boundaries and the ways and means by which those boundaries are
perceived and sustained by their members With specific reference to the Pakistani
Muslim focus, the chapter provides a brief overview of the global Muslim
Page 2
An Introduction
community (the Uinm 'ah) and discusses the d egree to which distinctions b etween
Pakistani culture and Islam inform a web of communities as boundaries are
constructed within boundaries (Stone, 2002, Donnan and Stokes, 2002; Werbner,
2002; Shaw, 2000, 1994, 1988; Ahmad and Husband, 1993) The dynamics between
individuals, communities and the 'webs' in which they are embedded are explored
through debates relating to the construction and re-construction of community
identities and symbols (D'Alisera, 2002, Kahani-Hopkins and Hopkrns, 2002,
Mohammed, 1999, Taylor, 1998, Hall, 1996, 1993).
The experience of community boundaries as symbolic is discussed in relation to
Cohen (1985), and paralleled with Durkheimian (2002, 1984, 1964) distinctions of
'sacred' and 'profane'. It is suggested that the integnty of 'us' is threatened in
instances where the boundaries of 'sacred' and 'profane' are traversed. This chapter
goes on to engage with Etzioni's (1998, 1997, 1995) notions of communitanamsm
and suggests that community moral voices provide a potential mechanism by which
to defend the integrity of a community's boundaries through the regulation of
individual behaviour The chapter concludes by illustratmg the potential for such
regulation of individual agency to contribute to processes of social exclusion, in spite
of the attempts at continuity, unity and coherence (Faqir, 2001, Afshar, 1994).
Chapter 3 explores the academic, theoretical and policy debates relating to the
concepts and processes of social exclusion, social capital and care. For the most part,
theories of social exclusion are concerned with socially constructed thresholds of
what it means to be included in society and societal structures (Byrne, 1999; Murray,
1995, 1988; Gailbraith, 1992) It is suggested that a more holistic conceptualisation
requires grounded understandings of individual expenences, perceptions and
circumstances. The chapter goes on to explore notions of social capital as they are
utilised in the construction and reconstruction of welfare state policies in Britain and
Germany. Premised on Putnam's (1993) notion of social capital, New Labour's use
of the term legitimises a re-calibration of state welfare in favour of individual
responsibility (Golboume and Solomos, 2003, Heron and Dwyer, 1999). In contrast,
welfare state policies in Germany, premised upon notions of family, actively
encourage the accumulation of social capital through positive financial incentives
(Vogt and Z wingel, 2003; S eeleib-Kaiser, 2002, A nnesley, 2002, B ourdieu, 1997,
1977)
Page 3
An Introduction
Discussions of individual responsibility lead the chapter to engage with concepts of
care, as understood in the context of informal relationships. Much of the academic
debate relating to the concept of care advocate its re-conceptualisation (Dean, 2002;
Hague eta!, 2001; Williams, 2001,2000, Rake, 2000; Sevenhuijsen, 2000; Daly
and Lewis, 2000, Shakespeare, 2000, Tronto, 1993) Many of these re-
conceptuahsations seek to change the authoritative structural prescriptions to which
the care relationship is subject Within particular contexts, such as diasporic
Pakistani Muslim communities, an individual's conformity to these prescnptions can
become the yardstick to measure the degree to which he or she is worthy or able to
be included Chapters 2 and 3 set out the theoretical positions that underpin the
exploration of social exclusion conducted in this thesis. This is placed within the
context of Pakistani Muslim communities m Britain and Germany, looking
particularly through the lens of familial care.
The aim of Chapter 4 is to chart the progress of this study from a simple research
design to a fully-fledged piece of doctoral inquiry. In so doing, this chapter outlines
the ontological and epistemological stance from which this doctoral research is
conducted (Christians, 2000, Denzin, 1997, Glaser and Strauss, 1967). The chapter
sets out the research questions explored, the reasoning behind them and provides a
detailed breakdown of the methodology This chapter also provides a discussion on
the research process, detailing the key methodological and ethical issues, challenges
and solutions faced during the 'practical' aspects of research (Henry, 2003; Mason,
2002, 1996; Boejie, 2002).
In putting forward the historical comparative context of Pakistani migration and
settlement to Britain and Germany, Chapter 5 begins to engage with the empirical
data. The construction of community boundaries, and the experiences and
expectations of familial care amongst first and second generation Pakistani Muslims
in Britain and Germany are conditioned by processes of migration, citizenship and
formal welfare provisions. This chapter provides a secondary contextual analysis of
the Pakistani presence in Britain and Germany, and, with reference to the empirical
data, locates respondent, or respondent family, migration trajectories within these
contexts (Meijenng and van Hoven, 2003; Green, 2002; 200 la, 200 ib, Andersen,
2001; Hansen, 2000a, 2000b, Hansen and King, 2000; Dummet and Dummet, 1982)
This chapter goes on to discuss routes to formal inclusion through citizenship (HO,
2002; Berger et a!, 2002, Liedtke, 2002, Klopp, 2002; Cagier, 2001; Geddes, 2001;
Anwar, 2001, 1998a, OBY, 1999, Brubaker, 1989). Further, it provides a bnef
Page 4
An Introduction
overview of the position of migrantlforeign nationals vis-à-vis formal provisions of
social security and welfare in old age (Buchel and Frick, 2003, Bernard and
Pettigrew, 2003, Neagle and Walker, 2002; Bowes and Wilkinson, 2001; Nesbitt and
Neary, 2001, Windebank, 2001, Alber, 2001, Schulz, 2000, Guanglia and Markose,
2000, Araki, 2000, Walker, 1996, Samje, 1995)
Chapters 6, 7 and 8, provide in-depth engagement with the empirical data Chapter 6
begins the empirical analysis by exploring respondent perceptions of community
Cohen (1985) suggests that an individual's most meaningful engagement with the
community is located at his or her interaction with its symbolic boundaries. The
significance of such interaction i s supported b yt he empirical d ata as respondents
articulate their experience of communities usmg simple dichotomies of 'us' and
'them', differentiations that are constructed with reference to symbolic norms and
values Further, Cohen (1985) suggests that perpetuation of symbolic boundaries
occurs through the exercise of norms and values, which re-invest such symbols of
community identities with shared values, and re-locate their importance with
reference to the traditions, rituals and myths of the past The empirical data reveals
that respondents consciously exercise Pakistani cultural, and to a greater degree,
Islamic, ntuals as a means of perpetuating what they perceive to be symbols of 'our'
identity. Exercise of these symbols reconstruct and renegotiate individual and
community identities as informed by, and constructed within, the diaspora. Through
an exploration of respondent interaction with these symbolic boundaries, this chapter
speaks to the norms and values that underpin much of the social interactions between
members of Pakistani Muslim communities in Britain and Germany It is m the
context of such norms and values, and the boundaries they give rise to, that
individuals negotiate their daily interactions within care relationships
Chapter 7 provides an empirically grounded account of the concept and relationship
of care. It analyses respondent experiences and expectations of care as Pakistani
Muslims living in the non-Muslim countries of Britain and Germany Care is defined
by respondents with reference to the concepts of izzat, khidmat and reciprocity Izzat
forms the ethical framework agamst which the ideal Pakistani Muslim care
relationship is constructed, and shares many of the principles put forward by
Williams (2001, 2000). Respondents contextualise the degree to which izzat and
khidmat influence, and are practised, within the care relationships of elders and their
kin within frameworks of Islam, Pakistani culture and the principle of reciprocity.
Through this analysis, this chapter provides an understanding of how the Pakistani
Page 5
An Introduction
cultural and Islamic norms and values of the Pakistani Muslim community influence
the construction, negotiation and exercise of care relationships between elders and
their kin in Bntain and Germany In so doing this chapter speaks to the potential for
social exclusion, where community expectations, with regard to such care
relationships, are not met.
Chapter 8 synthesises the conclusions of the previous 2 chapters, and considers these
in the context of the different moral pulls to which an individual is subject. As
symbolic of differentiations between 'us' and 'them', the care relationship,
particularly that between elders and their kin, can signify individual participation in,
and adherence to, the norms and values of 'our' community Negotiated within the
frameworks of Islam and Pakistani culture, the care relationship and its participants,
are attributed moral positions of 'good'. As social bonds subject to normative
assertions of how individuals should and should not behave, care relationships can
form the site of exclusionary processes
Analysis of the empirical data within Chapter 8 reveals that mdividual agency is
influenced by moral voices of the self and the community (Etzioni, 1998, 1997,
1995). Moral voices of the self are often grounded m an individual's social roles,
which are utihsed as a resource to negotiate with alternative moral pulls. Moral
voices of the community, on the other hand, are grounded in the cultural and Islamic
norms of the community. As an attempted means of regulating individual
participation within the care relationship, moral voices of the community can form
mechanisms of inclusion to, and exclusion from, Pakistani Muslim commumties in
Britain and Germany. The degree to which such voices are granted authority over
individual agency and inclusion are subject to negotiation as respondents use
alternative roles, resources and Islamic interpretations to contest and deny their
legitimacy. Through such negotiations moral precepts of 'good' are called mto
question, and in so doing, so too are socially constructed thresholds of inclusion and
exclusion.
The final chapter (9) concludes the thesis with a concise summary of fmdings With
reference to the four research questions the study set out to explore this chapter puts
forward empirically grounded contributions to the debates of conimunity, care and
social exclusion. It re-visits respondent expenences and perceptions of the
construction and perpetuation of diasponc Pakistani Muslim communities as
explored in Chapter 6. These experiences and expectations are portrayed with
Page 6
An Introduction
reference to the conceptual tools offered by Cohen (1985) and Etzioni (1998, 1997,
1995). The chapter also re-iterates the typology of care developed in Chapter 7, with
specific reference to the contextual debates relating to the ethics of care (Williams,
2001, 2000) and understandings of dependency (Shakespeare, 2000, Tronto, 1993).
Finally, this chapter turns to the insights offered by this thesis on processes and
conceptuahsations of social exclusion In particular, attention is given to negotiations
whereby individuals utihse alternative resources and moral perspectives to
challenge, contest and navigate through exclusionary mechanisms to which they are
subject
Page 7
Chapter 2
The Construction and Moral Regulation of Pakistani Muslim
Communities
2.1 Introduction
This chapter explores theoretical understandings of the way individuals experience
and conceptuahse their communities It also engages with the influence of, and
relationship between, the moral authority of religion and community boundaries
within faith based communities The chapter begins (Section 2 2) with a historical
overview of how the global Muslim community, the Umm 'ah developed
Construction of the Umm 'ah 'S boundaries are based upon the principle of shared
moral values (Esposito, 1992) • Since its inception, the Umm 'ah has been divided on
grounds of tribalism, and in more recent times, ethnicity, socio-geographical origins,
and religious sectarianism (Khan, 2000; Tayob, 1999, Lewis, 1994). Given these
divisions within the Umm 'ah, the next section (2.3) explores the distinction between
Islam and Pakistani culture. Academically Islam and 'Muslim culture' are often
understood to be synonymous (Stone, 2002, Donnan and Stokes, 2002). In Section
2 3 it is suggested that a distinction between the two needs to be maintained if one is
to explore how Islam and different ethno-geographical cultures influence the
construction of community boundanes Distinctions made between Islam and the
Pakistani culture demonstrate the construction of boundanes within boundaries
(Werbner, 2002, Shaw, 2000, 1994, 1988, Ahmad and Husband, 1993) These
distinctions are related to varying degrees and understandings of religious and ethnic
affiliation, and thus inform conceptualisations of the 'Pakistani Muslim' community
Cohen's theory of Symbolic Communities (1985) is utilised m Section 2 4 as a
means to gain further insights into the ways in which individuals interact with and
maintain symbols of 'our' community boundaries and construct and re-construct
distinctions between 'them' and 'us'. It is suggested that communities have an
inherently symbolic element Moreover, it is essential to engage with this symbolism
if one is concerned with the way individuals experience the communities in which
they live and to which they affiliate Illustratmg this through the use of Islam and
Pakistani culture, Sections 2.5 and 2.6 demonstrate how the norms and values of
Muslim and/or Pakistani communities in diaspora come to symbolise their
boundanes. It is adherence to these norms and values which continue to demarcate
the boi.mdanes between 'them' and 'us', whilst simultaneously informing the
identities of individual members (Hall, 1996, 1993) Through such mechanisms,
Page 8