non-alignment in an age of

135 Pages·2001·7.3 MB·English

NON-ALIGNMENT
IN AN AGE OF
ALIGNMENTS
A.W. SINGHAM & SHIRLEY HONE
Non-alignment
in an Age of
Alignments
A. W. Singham
and
Shirley Hune
Non-alignmentinanageofalignmentswasfirstpublished in 1986 by:
In theUK
ZedBooksLtd.57Caledonian Road,London Nl 9BU
In theUSA
LawrenceHill &Co.
520RiversideAvenue,Westport, Connecticut 06880
InZimbabwe
The College Press(Pvt)Ltd.
P.O. Box 3041, Harare
GA.W. SinghantandShirley Hune 1986.
CoverdesignedbyJacque Solomons.
A!1 rightsreserved.
Printed inZimbabwe by
LITHOSERVICES(PVT)LTD.
P.O.Box 3625
Harare
ISBN0869257005
Foreword
This is a valuable book on an important and topical subject. Archibald
WSingham and Shirley Hune haveaprofound understanding ofthesubject
having attended all the major meetings of the Non-Aligned Movement
(NAM)since 1975.Theyare activists inthe Pan-African, Pan-Asian and Pan-
American social movements which inspired the foundation ofNAM in 1961
and its steady growth and expansion since. The research workfor the bookis
detailed, the analysis meticulous, showing a firm grasp ofthe central issues
and objectives ofNAM.
Besides theirgraspofthe central issues ofnon-alignment, the authors are,
most importantly, persons committed to the liberation of Third World
peoples, and the socialtransformation oftheexistingorderintheinternation-
al political and economicsystems. Their voicesareatonceauthoritative and
authentic;the concerns ofNAM arealso their personally felt concerns. The
ThirdWorldneedscommitted scholarsofthiskindwhowriteoutoftruecon-
viction and not thosewho act asthe mouthpieceand transmission beltofthe
views andvalues ofWestern Europe and NorthAmerica.
The bookhasbeenpublished attherighttimeasNAM isholding itseighth
summit in Harare as well as celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary ofits
founding; the birth ofNAM in Belgrade in 1961 took place at the height of
thestruggleagainstcolonialism withnew independent statesappearing onthe
world scene every year. The yoke ofcolonialism was broken in Africa and
Asiaand atthe sametimesuper-power rivalry and imperialism were making
themselvesfelt in allthe corners ofthe world. These elements together with
the threat-ofnuclear war posed problems for the movement.
NAM has gonethrough manycrises andfacedmanydifficulties. Asmem-
ber stateshavetriedtoprotecttheirsovereigntyandindependence, theyhave
faced military threats of invasion from hostile reactionary and imperialist
countries. Equally, inter-territorial disputes and warsbetween memberstates
havethreatenedtodestroythe movement. Efforts aimedatcollectiveself-reli-
ance in development among Third World countries have been thwarted by
the machinations ofimperialist powers. The movement'scall for new world
orders inthe areasofeconomy,trade and information has fallen on deafears
andeven invited punitive measures.But NAMhas survivedandgrownfrom
strengthto strength.
However, themovementnow facesaverydangerousinternationalsituation.
Right-wingreactionary social forces have captured positions ofpower in the
USA, the UK and West Germany, and they are using that power to assault
the progressive movement everywhere.This assault is a manifestation ofthe
contradictions and conflict between non-alignment itself and imperialism in
whichtheformerhas scoredsomesuccesses. The imperialist countries,ledby
theUSA under President Ronald Reagan, areonthe offensivein a sustained
effort tohalt and evenreversethe gains madebyThirdWorldpeoples in the
last 25 years in the social, cultural, political and economicfields. In fact, so
thoroughlyhas the movement exposed the fallacies, irrationality and callous-
ness ofthe current international order, the cornerstone ofimperialism, that
these imperialist countries are panicking; they are now resorting to force to
silence the voiceofreason represented by NAM.
American Aggression and Offensives
Since 1961,NAM has beenamajor catalyst inbringing aboutchanges inin-
ternational relationships. The multilateral diplomacy ofNAM has beensuc-
cessful, especially at the UN, where it has co-ordinated and codified the
approach ofthe countries ofAsia,Africa, the MiddleEast, Carribean region,
and Latin America on burning questions ofmutual interest. Because ofits
principled stand on such questions, the movement is becoming more and
moreeffective and respected internationally.Due tothissuccess, theimperial-
ist countries have now mounted an assault on the UN system, startingwith
UNESCO mainly because ofits stand onthe new international information
andcommunication order, and theILO. The USA andUKwithdrawalfrom
UNESCO ispartofageneral attack onthe UN system becauseofthe alleged
growing influence ofNAM countries in the UN itself. In real terms, that
withdrawalis part ofageneral policy adopted bythetwdcountries and their
alliesintended tocoerce ThirdWorldcountries intosupportingtheirpolicies
at all international fora.
The open American aggressiononthe smallislandofGrenada in 1982sig-
nalledthe endofthe era ofquietdiplomacy and showed theextent towhich
thebig powers werepreparedtogotoforcethe weakandthesmallnationsto
toe their particular line. The American governmenthas pursued thisline of
actionto greatlengths bysetting asidemillions ofdollars andmilitaryequip-
ment tosupport bandit and dissident organisations that are fighting against
thelegally constituted governments ofAngola andNicaragua.Thatopensup-
portaswell asaggressionisaseriousthreat toallthegovernments and organ-
isationswithin NAM;italsoconstitutes adangertoworldpeaceandsecurity.
The authors demonstrate that internal and regional conflicts can quickly
become globalissues, involving super-powers. Theyshowintheiranalysis of
the conflicts between the Tamils and the governmentofSriLanka,how that
conflictisdrawing in, andonoppositesides, thebigcountries ofAsiaand the
super-powers.
Evenattheeconomiclevel,thepositionofNAMisundersevereattack and
strain from the Reaganites and Thatcherites. The Third World countries are
facing economic problems offalling growth, high inflation, budget deficits,
foreign exchange shortages and heavy foreign debts all ofwhich have been
brought about largelyby external factors beyond their control. The current
world economic order reinforced by the conservative fiscal policies of
President Reagan andPrime Minister Thatcher isthe rootcause ofmanyof
these problems; it gives developing countries no chance to moveout ofthe
vicious circle ofunder-development. There is thus a need to adopt a new
approach tothemanagementoftheworldeconomyforthebenefitofallcoun-
tries. Third World leaders havemadenumerous callstothis effect but they
have beenunheeded.
Economic Crises and Stagnation
The North-South dialogue intended tonarrow the gap between therichand
poor countries andshare the world's resources more equitably has virtually
cometoahalt. Western countries haverefused to abandon their "orthodox"
orconservative economicpolicieswhichprotecttheirinterests at theexpense
ofthe developing countries. They still pursue restrictive trade policies and
impose high interest rates which are detrimental to Third World countries.
Because oftheWest's intransigence,theestablishment ofthenewinternation-
al economic order which hadsucha promising startat the Algiers Summit,
Algeria, in 1973 is now further and further away. Instead the old order of
dependency isbeingreinforcedbythe crippling debtsofThird Worldcoun-
tries; Reaganites and Thatcherites would like to sustain this dependency in
ordertoweaken ifnot destroy thepolitical independence oftheThirdWorld
countries and forcethem totoetheir line.Eventhe Heavens are making the
poorest ofthe poor poorer, with the severe drought in most ofAfrica.
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund make an already
bad situation worse by imposing conditions ofborrowing that are so harsh
that the debtsofthe poor countries just get bigger and bigger. The standard
solutionsofdevaluation, dismissingexcess staff, removing subsidies,and re-
ducing government spending, are simply a debt trap; theyfuel political and
social unrest in the Third Worldcountries. Programmes ofeconomic recov-
ery formulated by the West fail to redress the economic situation ofThird
World countries. The only economic or financial initiatives ofNAM that
have made an impact on the international situation, arethose in which they
relied ontheirown action and resources. Following the solidaritydemonstra-
tedbythe Groupof77 nations,the authors describe the successfulefforts of
OPEC to control and raise the prices ofoil products in 1973, aswell asthe
efforts topromote South-Southco-operation.The twoinitiatives canbedupli-
cated several times over and expanded to include other commodities. The
special sessionoftheGeneralAssembly oftheUNwhichmetinMay 1986,to
discuss the African economic crisis, served only to re-inforce the need for
greater South-South co-operation andcommon actiononcommoditypricing.
Southern Africa and WorldWar
The eighth summit in Harare has brought the focus ofNAM to Southern
Africaandthe majorstrategic, military, economicandsocial issues andinter-
ests in the region. The Lusaka summit in 1970alerted NAM tothe growing
tensions inSouthern Africaandespeciallytheevilsofthesystemofapartheid.
The authors show clearly the early commitment ofNAM against imperial-
ism, colonialism, andracism. Indeed one oftheconditions ofmembershipof
NAM was and still is "consistently supporting the movements for national
independence", aswellasoppositiontoracism asastatedoctrine.The Harare
summit has re-emphasised this commitment and called for practical action
against the evilsystemofapartheid.The issues raised inSouthernAfricaare a
grave threat to international peace and security.
The rulers ofracist South Africa were reported by the Eminent Persons
Group(EPG)senttoSouthAfrica bythe Commonwealth ofNations in 1986,
to be uncompromising in their determination tokeeppower in thehandsof
the ruling whiteminority by sheer brutalforceandgenocidal actions against
the blackmajority.Inordertounderline theirmilitaristintentions, whilethe
EPG was in SouthAfrica, theylaunched military attacks onthe neighbouring
states ofBotswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe.All indicationsarethat this type
ofstate terrorism will continue until the apartheid regime is defeated and
eliminated. The state terrorism ofthe South African regime has the tacit
approval and/or encouragement ofthe USA and UK governments. Needless
tosay the state terrorism ofthe apartheid regime isaviolation ofeverytenet
ofinternational law; ifit continues, it willleadto aworld war.
The intransigence ofthe apartheid regime is more than matched by the
determination ofthe massesofSouthAfricaandNamibiatoregaintheirinde-
pendence, sovereignty,andnationality;theyarenolonger afraidtodie forthe
causetheyknowtobejust.AlthoughovertwothousandblackSouthAfricans
havebeen killed inthe lastyearalone, theirresistancetoapartheidcontinues
unabated. Their organisation against apartheid is intensifying, despite in-
creasing difficulties. They nolonger wanttoberuledbytheBoers.Theyare
calling out for support fromthe Frontline States, theOAU,and NAM. Their
voicesareloud and clear likesomeonewho has seen the promised land. The
authors tellusthat for NAM,theattainmentofpolitical independence in the
former coloniesorneo-coloniesisfundamental.The litmustestfortheHarare
summit inthe annals ofthehistoryofNAM willbe theconcretesteps taken
toresolvethe problems ofSouth Africa, andtoattain thepolitical independ-
enceofthe struggling people inNamibia and SouthAfrica. Noone can have
any illusions about the magnitude ofthat assignment in world history. It is
indeed a major threshold in man's quest for freedom.
Overthe nextthreeyears, NAMwillneedideological directionand agreat
senseofurgency and militancy inordertofulfil the daunting tasksahead; it
should have that in the dynamic leadership of Zimbabwe's
RobertG.Mugabe. The authors recount the lasting contributions of the
founding fathers-Josip Tito, Jawaharlal Nehru, Gammal Abdul Nasser,
KwameNkurumah, andSoukarno-and theadditions ofthe varioussummits
to the body of principles and practices of NAM. Given the history of
Zimbabwe, and thesituation inour region described above, Zimbabwe'scon-
tributioncouldbeinextending thefrontiersofliberation. The taskaheadisto
make Namibiaand SouthAfrica "liberated zones" in our region. NAM has
the commitment, the resources, and now the breadth ofdiplomatic experi-
ence, toprovide themuch needed initiativeandpolicythrusttowards achiev-
ing this goal.
Finally,wearegrateful toSingham and Hunefor writing analmost defini-
tive studyon NAM. Thisbookcan bereadbyboth scholarand layman;it is
written insimple readable language, andshornofdifficult conceptsand scen-
arios. Its appearance, ontheveryeve ofthe eighth summit held in Hararein
September 1986, is both timely, and a fresh literary reaffirmation ofthe
strength ofthe movement.
The authors have traced the history ofNAM from its early origin when
hesitant stepswere madeby itsfounders amid wild criticism fromespecially
the imperialist countries to today, when the movement can truly be said to
have acquired a lasting and significant force in the conduct ofinternational
relations.
Backed by comprehensive documentary and archival evidence, the authors
have provided usnot onlywiththe most authentic presentation ofthemove-
ment's history,but theyhavealsogivenusdeepinsights intoitsdynamics and
strength.Theyhavemadeananalysis fromtheonlyperspectivefromwhichit
could have been made, i.e. the perspective ofcommitted scholarship. And
hence what emerges from the pages ofthis book is not a dry Olympian
"objective" analysis, devoidofpassion and feeling, but aninsider's evaluation
ofNAM'scontribution, inthe lastthirty,years ofaturbulent world, towards
the struggles ofthe peoples ofthe ThirdWorld to gainrespectability in the
councils ofinternational diplomatic arenas, and liberation from thedomina-
tionofthe big powers.
Thereisnoquestionthat NAMwillprovetoberesilient.Another chapter
will soon open in the annals ofthe movement following its Harare summit
when itsstrength andprincipleswillbeput totestonthequestionofthelib-
erationofNamibiaand South Africa, without them becoming pawns inthe
super-power politics ofhegemonism.
N MSHAMUYARIRA
Minister ofInformation, Posts and Telecommunications
Harare, 1986
Contents
Dedication
Acknowledgements
Introduction 1
PART I: OVERVIEW 11
1. Principles ofNon-alignment 13
Peace 15
Independence: Self-determination and Racial Equality 19
Economic Equality: the Demand for a New International
Economic Order 22
Cultural Equality: the Search for a NewWorldInformation
and Communications Order 25
Universalism and Multilateralism: the Non-aligned
Movement and its Support forthe United Nations 27
2. Structureand Organization 33
Criteria for Membership 39
Code of Conduct 42
US Code of Conduct for Non-alignedCountries 47
Role ofthe Chair 51
3. Antecedents and Origins ofthe Non-aligned
Movement 57
The BandungConference: APrelude 65
PreparatoryMeeting for the Conference ofUncommitted
Countries 71
PART II: THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN
INTERNATIONAL HISTORY: THE POLITICS OF
COLLECTIVE RESISTANCE 77
4. The First, Second andThird Summits: theFormative
Years 79
The Summit Conference as aUnit ofAnalysis 79