Table Of ContentLyingDownwiththeLions
Ronald V. Dellums
Lying Down with the Lions
APublicLife
fromtheStreetsofOakland
totheHallsofPower
andH.LeeHalterman
BeaconPress Boston
BeaconPress
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Boston,Massachusetts02108–2892
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(cid:1)2000byRonaldV.Dellums
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CompositionbyWilsted&TaylorPublishingServices
LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData
Dellums,RonaldV.,1935–
Lyingdownwiththelions:apubliclifefromthestreetsofOaklandtothehallsofpower/
RonaldV.DellumsandH.LeeHalterman.
p. cm.
Includesindex.
isbn0-8070-4318-4(cl.)
isbn0-8070-4319-2(pbk.)
1.Dellums,RonaldV.,1935– . 2.Legislators—UnitedStatesBiography. 3.United
States.Congress.HouseBiography. 4.UnitedStates—Politicsandgovernment—1945–
1989. 5.UnitedStates—Politicsandgovernment—1989– 6.UnitedStates—Social
conditions—1980– 7.Civilrightsmovements—UnitedStates—History—20thcentury.
8.Berkeley(Calif.)—Politicsandgovernment. I.Halterman,H.Lee. II.Title.
e840.8.d45a3 2000
328.73(cid:1)092—dc21
[b] 99-32097
Wededicatethismemoir
tothosewhohavestruggledthroughoutthemodernera
tobringpeaceandjusticetoournationandtheworld;
theiranonymouseffortshavemadepossiblethevictoriesforchange
thatcharacterizedthe1960s
and
weofferourgratitude
tothosewhoweregentlewarriorswhileservingonthestaff
ofCongressmanDellumsbutwhohavenowdepartedthisEarth:
DonaCutting,CarmenFlores,RichardH.‘‘Max’’Miller,BeverlyNickens,
MaryThomas,andJoyceWilliams
and
withlove
toourchildren,Pam,Brandy,Erik,Piper,Joshua,Alexander,andKimiko
Contents
Introduction 1
Chapter1 YouCanMakeItOut 9
Chapter2 SitDown,Man—We’reGoingtoWinThis 27
Chapter3 RevolutionInsidetheSystem 50
Chapter4 ChallengingtheNation 93
Chapter5 TheStruggleagainstApartheid 121
Chapter6 WagingPeace 149
Chapter7 KeepingtheFaith,FightingforChange 195
AfterwordbyH.LeeHalterman 202
Acknowledgments 208
Index 211
Introduction
Movementsexplainmypubliclife.Withouttheprogressivecausesofthe
1960sand1970stobeaccountableto,Ineverwouldhaveembarkedupon
the odysseythat became three decadesof service in electiveoffice. As a
child,Ihadneversoughtleadershippositionsinschool.Asanadult,Ihad
chosenacareerpaththatsatisfiedmyneedtocontributetothebetterment
ofcommunitythroughsocialworkandcommunityorganizing.Recruited
togotoBrandeisUniversityforaPh.D.,Iwasthrilledattheprospectof
contributingmyideasandexperiencestothemainstreamofprogressive
thoughtandtotheexpandingtraditionofAfricanAmericanintellectual
expression.
Attheendofthetwentiethcentury,manifestlyaperiodofindividual-
ism, it may seem odd to hear that somebody would drop his plans and
changehislifebecausethecommunitycalleduponhimforservice.In1967
it seemed the most logical thing in the world—irresistible, compelling,
andurgent.Withoutamovementtomakethedemand,apoliticalcareer
wouldhavebeentoopersonalaquestandoneforwhichIfeltneitherdes-
tinednorprepared.
Formethedecisivemomentcameduringaperiodofextraordinarily
intensepoliticalactivisminAmericanlife.Societyseemedmobilizedon
everyimportant issuethatconfrontsus. Theactivistsand supportersof
long-standing causes, such as the women’s and civil rights movements,
seemed to dig deeper for strength and determination. Confronted with
thefailuretoachievethroughestablishedpoliticalandjudicialchannels
thefundamentallibertiesandracialequalitypromisedintheConstitution
andtheBillofRights,peoplewerebecomingangry,andoftentheirrage
1
lying down with the lions
boiledoverintorebellion.ThenightlynewsseemedtoechotheDeclara-
tionofIndependence’scataclysmicproclamation:‘‘[W]heneveranyForm
ofGovernmentbecomesdestructiveoftheseends’’—ofsecuringthe‘‘un-
alienable’’rightsandlibertyofthepeople—‘‘itistheRightofthePeople
toalterortoabolishit.’’
Butinadditiontoanger,therewashope.Certainlyformanythelate
1960sandearly1970sseemedlikethedawnofanewera,oneduringwhich
thewrongsofsomanycenturiescouldfinallyberighted.Inthatsense,the
leadersofitsmovementssawthemselvesastheheirstotherevolutionaries
whofoundedthenation,theabolitionistsandsuffragetteswhofoughtto
realize the promise of liberty for all citizens, and the labor leaders who
foughtforequityanddignity.
Despiteourunderstandingofthelongdurationofthesestruggles,we
wantedpeace,andwewanteditnow;wewantedfreedom,andwewanted
itnow;wewantedjustice,andwewanteditnow.Inshort,wewereagener-
ationofpeopleinahurry,impatientwithlingeringoppressionandwith
thepoliticalinstitutionsthatseemedunwillingtomakethechangesnec-
essarytoendthatoppression.Hundredsofthousandsofpeoplewouldmo-
bilizetofightinjustice,toendwars,topromoteequality,andtoendpov-
erty.Itwashardtobeabystander,and,intheeyesofsome,bystanderswere
agentsagainstchange—a‘‘partoftheproblem.’’LikethatoftheCivilWar
acenturyearlier,thissocialschismwoulddividefamiliesasthefabricof
oursocietybegantounravel.
The political and social conflict that gripped the nation, indeed the
world, reached a fever pitch in my community of Berkeley, California.
WithinthecauldronoftheBayArea,allofthemovementsforsocialprog-
resshadsignificantconstituencies.Theirmilitancywaspalpable,andthe
demand to ‘‘be part of the solution’’ certainly forced one to defend any
decisionnottobecomeinvolved.In1967IranforaseatontheBerkeley
CityCouncil—andwon.OnceIwasapublicofficial,Ifeltitmydutyto
listencarefullytotheprotesters.Iheardthelegitimacyofmanyoftheir
demandsandworkedtofurtherthesecauses.Iagreedtocampaigntogo
toWashingtonastheU.S.congressionalrepresentativefrommydistrict
onlybecauseIwaswillingtobeavoiceforthesemovements.
While many with whom I shared governance on the Berkeley City
CouncilandthenlaterinCongresswoulddecrytheprotests,demonstra-
tions,andotherexpressionsofoutrageasadiscordantnoise—incoherent
andstrident—Iheardachorus.Iheardharmonyintheclaimsforequality
2