Table Of ContentThis is a volume of
Quantitative Studies in Social Relations
Consulting Editor: Peter H. Rossi, University of Massachusetts,
Amherst, Massachusetts
A complete list of titles in this series appears at the end of this volume.
Lifestyle and Social Structure
Concepts, Definitions, Analyses
Michael E. Sobel
Office of Research Methods and Standards
Bureau of Labor Statistics
Washington, D.C.
ACADEMIC PRESS
A Subsidiary of Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers
New York London Toronto Sydney San Francisco
To my parents, Irvin and Peggy Sobel
COPYRIGHT © 1981, BY ACADEMIC PRESS, INC.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
NO PART OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE REPRODUCED OR
TRANSMITTED IN ANY FORM OR BY ANY MEANS, ELECTRONIC
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ACADEMIC PRESS, INC.
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United Kingdom Edition published by
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24/28 Oval Road, London NW1 7DX
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Sobel, Michael E.
Life style and social structure.
(Quantitative studies in social relations)
Bibliography : p.
Includes index.
1. Life style. 2. Social structure. I. Title.
II. Series.
HMT3.S625 305 81-19055
ISBN 0-12-65U280-5 AACR2
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
82 83 84 85 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To my parents, Irvin and Peggy Sobel
COPYRIGHT © 1981, BY ACADEMIC PRESS, INC.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
NO PART OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE REPRODUCED OR
TRANSMITTED IN ANY FORM OR BY ANY MEANS, ELECTRONIC
OR MECHANICAL, INCLUDING PHOTOCOPY, RECORDING, OR ANY
INFORMATION STORAGE AND RETRIEVAL SYSTEM, WITHOUT
PERMISSION IN WRITING FROM THE PUBLISHER.
ACADEMIC PRESS, INC.
Ill Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10003
United Kingdom Edition published by
ACADEMIC PRESS, INC. (LONDON) LTD.
24/28 Oval Road, London NW1 7DX
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Sobel, Michael E.
Life style and social structure.
(Quantitative studies in social relations)
Bibliography : p.
Includes index.
1. Life style. 2. Social structure. I. Title.
II. Series.
HMT3.S625 305 81-19055
ISBN 0-12-65U280-5 AACR2
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
82 83 84 85 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Preface
The primary focus of this book is the relationship between lifestyle
and social structure. In order to understand and model this relationship, it
is first necessary to construct a meaningful concept of lifestyle. Unlike
prior treatments of lifestyle, I do not derive the concept within the frame-
work of some other primary substantive interest, because this conven-
tional treatment inherently limits the scope of the phenomenon itself, di-
recting attention only to those features which appear to be germane within
an already restricted framework. The general formulation of the concept
hinges on the descriptive word style, defined as "any distinctive, and
therefore recognizable way in which an act is performed or an artifact
made or ought to be performed and made" (Gombrich, 1968, p. 352).
After developing the implications of the definition, lifestyle is defined, by
analogy, as "any distinctive, and therefore recognizable mode of living."
Since this definition parallels the definition of style, the implications are
similar. Thus, it is argued that a lifestyle consists of expressive behaviors
that are directly observable or deducible from observation.
Having derived the concept in this fashion, I then argue that con-
sumption is the one behavior that best indexes lifestyle in post-World War
II America. Next, the notion of social structure is introduced; briefly, the
IX
X I Preface
argument is that structural differentiation engenders lifestyle differenti-
ation.
The remainder of the work is concerned primarily with the modeling
of this relationship using data from the 1972-1973 Survey of Consumer
Expenditures, and with the concept of stylistic unity. This is a matter of
emphasis; it neither means that the value of the concept itself is limited to
this framework, nor that the concept itself is only of sociological interest.
In fact, other meaningful relations are hinted at or discussed in the text.
For example, the relationship between the theory of lifestyle differentia-
tion and modern economic utility theory is taken up in Chapter 5, and
psychographic notions of lifestyle are discussed in Chapter 2. Finally, in
Chapter 9, the relationships between lifestyle and other key sociological
concepts (stratification, alienation) are discussed, and it is argued that the
concept of lifestyle should be of interest to a broad range of applied and
theoretical researchers.
Acknowledgments
This book is an outgrowth of my dissertation, which was completed
at the University of Wisconsin—Madison in January 1980. In particular, I
wish to acknowledge Halliman H. Winsborough for his role in this project.
In large part, he is responsible for teaching me the perspective on research
which is reflected in this work.
No one could have asked for a better or more conscientious advisor.
Despite a busy schedule, Winsborough spent many hours discussing all
aspects of this work with me, and his insights are responsible for some of
the most important points in this piece. While I am especially grateful for
his contributions in the area of substantive interpretation, in particular
those which pertain to the descriptive form of lifestyle, I have also bene-
fited substantially from his editorial advice.
I also wish to thank the other members of that committee, David
Featherman, William Sewell, Maurice MacDonald, and Charles Halaby.
Featherman argued with me about the early chapters, and forced me to
develop the argument more cogently. MacDonald helped me with the
economic aspects of this work. Sewell encouraged this work and discov-
ered several sins of omission. Finally, Halaby encouraged me to develop
the argument more articulately.
XI
XÜ I Acknowledgments
In addition, I have benefited from my conservations with many other
persons. Neil Fligstein discussed many facets of this work with me, read
selected portions of the manuscript, and more than once helped me formu-
late arguments cogently. Donald Treiman encouraged me to speculate on
the results and to examine the potential value of the lifestyle concept in
general sociological work. Albert Simkus first realized the potential of the
data source. James Dennis discussed the art historical material with me
and suggested specific readings. Paul Gertler and Chris Alaouze discussed
consumer theory with me on several occasions and read selected portions
of the manuscript. My conversations with Peter Piett on selected aspects
on the statistical analysis were both enlightening and instrumental. Robert
Dairymple, Gordon Caldwell, Mike Watts, and Robert Mislevy assisted
with various aspects of the computer work. Lori Hayward was responsi-
ble for the production of the manuscript, which benefits from her consid-
erable editorial and clerical skills. Finally, it has been both valuable and
enjoyable to work with the staff of Academic Press.
For financial and material support I am grateful to the Center for
Demography and Ecology at the University of Wisconsin—Madison,
under the auspices of the National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development grants HD05876 and HD07014.
Finally, I wish to thank my parents Irvin and Peggy Sobel, and my
friends Eileen Mortensen-Fligstein, Handy Gelbard, Laureen Du Pree,
and Neil Fligstein, for their support and encouragement.
1
CHAPTER
Introduction
Lifestyle is currently one of the abused words of the English language.
Social scientists, journalists, and laymen use it to refer to almost anything
of interest, be it fashion, Zen Buddhism, or French cooking. The more
this word is bantered about, the less it seems to mean. If the 1970s are an
indication of things to come, the word lifestyle will soon include every-
thing and mean nothing, all at the same time.
Imprecise popular usage is forgivable. However, that sociologists,
who presumably are scientists, use the term in a nebulous manner is not.
In this study, I attempt to give some systematic meaning to the word
lifestyle and empirically examine the structural sources of lifestyle differ-
entiation in contemporary American society.
The study is by no means descriptive, but is, rather, analytical, the
objective being to answer the question "why" rather than to describe and
classify. Reasons for this choice are elaborated in the text; the basic
rationale is that the sources of lifestyle differentiation are of primary socio-
logical interest, the concrete form constituting a somewhat arbitrary man-
ifestation of these underlying sources.
The study is divided into three parts. In the first, I discuss the concept
of lifestyle both abstractly and as applied to the American experience. In
1
2 1. Introduction
the second part, I focus on the sociological sources of lifestyle differentia-
tion, and in the third I estimate statistical models to test hypotheses
generated in the second part. The second and third parts are most closely
intertwined. The first part builds the abstract, conceptual framework, a
task that must be completed prior to a more concrete theoretical and
empirical examination.
Since this study is somewhat lengthy, in this introduction I shall
sketch the logical structure of the argument with enough detail to provide
a prelude to the specific arguments used later. Each subsequent chapter
constitutes an argument or a set of evidence that examines the validity of
an argument. Since there is a sequential logic to the chapter arrangement,
it suffices to take up each in turn.
In Chapter 2,1 review literature from several disciplines that touches
upon or is directly concerned with notions of lifestyle. The review is
written to emphasize that there is almost no agreement either empirically
or conceptually as to what constitutes a lifestyle. There is not much
explicit disagreement either. Rather, the literature is idiosyncratic. As a
result, it is not clear whether a lifestyle belongs to an individual or to some
aggregate. The causes and consequences of lifestyles are not separated
analytically from the phenomenon itself. Furthermore, virtually no dis-
cussions of lifestyle as a phenomenon in its own right are to be found. In
short, social scientists use this term to refer to whatever they wish, failing
to realize that it has little intersubjective meaning, and that without more
formal definition, their use is no more informative than the layman's. This
state of affairs implies either the need for exorcism of the word lifestyle
from that literature which purports to be scientific, or it implies the need
for meaningful conceptualization of the word itself.
Since little of value can be culled from the previous literature, the
conceptual task must be initiated at the most elemental level. This process
is begun in Chapter 3 in which the word style is discussed at some length.
The word style, it is found, is profitably used in several ways. Although
three modes of usage are identified, it is safe to say that the word is used
either in a fashion that is primarily laudatory or derogatory or in a manner
that is primarily descriptive. This is the case in both ordinary language
and the more formal discussions of style found in the literature of art
history.
Since the concept of style has proved extremely useful as a frame-
work for art history, there is a priori reason to believe that application of
the concept in the present context may prove fruitful. Drawing heavily
upon descriptive notions of style as developed by art historians, style is
defined as "any distinctive, and therefore recognizable, way in which an
act is performed or an artifact made or ought to be performed and made
