Table Of ContentI
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\, Languages of
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Labor and Gender
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Female Factory Work
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in Germanyy 1850-1914
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CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS GRATEFULLY ACKNOWLEDGES A To the memory ofP eggy Brennan Canning (1931-68)
SUBVENTION FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN WHICH AIDED
IN THE PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK. and Edna Wollensak Brennan (1907-95)
Copyright© 1996 by Cornell University
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or
parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in
writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University
Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850.
First published 1996 by Cornell University Press.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Canning, Kathleen, 1953-
Languages of labor and gender : female factory work in Germany,
1850-1914 I Kathleen Canning.
p. em.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8014-3123-9 (cloth: alk. paper)
l. Women employees-Germany-North Rhine-Westphalia-History-19th
century. 2. Textile workers-Germany-North Rhine-Westphalia
History-19th century. 3. Sexual division of labor-Germany-North
Rhine-Westphalia-History-19th century. I. Title. II. Title:
Female factory work in Germany, 1850-1914
HD6150.N67C36 1996
33l.4'87'094355090434-dc20 96-793
Printed in the United States of America
l€ The paper in this book meets the minimum requirements
of the American National Standard for Information Sciences
Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-l984.
Contents
Preface ix
Introduction: German Labor History and the Meanings
ofWomen's Work 1
1 Gender and Sexual Politics in the Transition from Home
to Factory Industry 16
2 "The Man Transformed into a Maiden"? Feminization in the
Textile Industries of the Rhineland and Westphalia 38
3 Sexual Difference and the Social Question in the Transition
to the "Industrial State," 1844-1889 85
4 State, Social Body, and Public Sphere: Regulating Female
Factory Labor during the 1890s 126
5 Social Policy, Body Politics: Factory Labor, Maternity,
and Volks/Wrper, 1900-1914 170
6 Work Experiences, Work Identities: Dissolving the Dichotomy
between Home and Work 218
7 Behind the Mill Gate: Gender and the Culture of Work 283
Conclusion 324
Index 333
Preface
This inquiry into the languages of labor and gender in Imperial Germany
began over a decade ago during a dismal winter in the Prussian State
Library in (then) West Berlin. The long days I spent perusing the Social
Democratic and Communist women's papers from the Weimar period left
me with a set of unanswered questions: about the implicit audience for
these papers-the female workers who seemed to figure as objects rather
than subjects of the so-called Frauenzeitungen-and about the particularly
German genealogies of the identities and rhetorics of class that had come
to dominate working-class politics by the turn of the twentieth century. As
I worked, focusing on the textile industry as a site of particular gender
conflict encompassing the arenas of shop floor and union politics, I con
fronted the problematic disjunctures between ideological prescriptions and
everyday practices, between the discourses about female factory labor and
the experiences of women workers. Having skirted the "outer face" of
both workplace and unions, I sought to understand the complex moments
of accommodation and resistance on the "inner face" of both (to appropri
ate a term from Alf Ludtke). _In the meantime the theoretical and histo
riographical contexts in which this inquiry was launched-women's his
tory and labor history-were recast and replenished by the "new cultural
history," by the shift to gender history and the critical rethinking by schol
ars in both fields of the key words "experience," "agency," "discourse,"
and "identity." My own work of rewriting began amid this sea of change,
as I set out to analyze the implications of my empirical fmdings for the
tenacious category of "class," to understand the origins of the ideologies of
women's work that permeated each aspect of my inquiry, and to probe the
complex ways in which both structural and rhetorical transformations
shaped female factory work in Germany.
I pursued this quest in many academic and geographic milieus over the
years, incurring many intellectual and personal debts. My list of thanks
Preface xi
x Preface
also deserve my sincere thanks: the kind and efficient staff at the Nord
begins with my teachers at Johns Hopkins lJ_niver~ity: ~ernon Lidtke,
rhein-Westfalisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dusseldorf, and at the Kreisarchiv
whose probing and critical questions helped giVe thts proJe~t coheren~e,
Viersen; Dr. Reinhard Vogelsang at the Stadtarchiv Bielefeld, who kindly
grounding and life and whose counsel and support have smce been m
allowed me access to the personnel records of the Mechanische W eberei
valuabk Mack Walker, from whom I learned more than is evident on the
Bielefeld; the helpful staff at both the Archiv des Deutschen Gewerk
surface ~f this book- and Toby Ditz for her indispensable insights into
schaftsbundes and the Gewerkschaft Textil-Bekleidung in Dusseldorf; the
Eur~pean and Ameri~an family and women's ?istory :md her incisive com
firm archivist and personnel director at Joharm Wiilfmg und Sohn in Len
ments on an earlier version of this manuscnpt. Thts book also profited
nep and the personnel director at the Frowein company in Wuppertal,
from the advice of many friends and colleagues: Jean Quataert, who
who allowed me access to their firms' invaluable personnel records. I ex
prompted me to rethink my analysis _of ~e transit_ion from h?me to fac
tend special thanks to Joharmes Lipp of the Heimatverein in Oedt near
tory industry; Jane Caplan, Roger Chtckermg, Davtd Crew, Elisabeth Do
Krefeld, who shared his knowledge of the local textile industry and intro
mansky, Laura Frader, Atina Grossmarm, Michael Hanagan, Young-Sun
duced me to the rich findings of the Kreisarchiv Viersen in Kempen and
Hong, Isabel Hull, Patrick Joyce, Molly Nolan, J;u_nes ~etall~ck, Mary
to the personnel records of the Girmes company. I also learned a great
Louise Roberts, Eve Rosenhaft, Bill Sewell, and Lomse Tilly, wtth whom
deal from Dr. Jochem Ulrich, who shared his expertise on the textile
I discussed my work or who commented on chapter ~afts or conferen~e
workers of the Lower Rhine, guided me through partially uncatalogued
papers. Robert Moeller and Alf Ludtke deserve spe~1~ thanks for thetr
materials at the Stadtarchiv Viersen, and provided me access to the per
generous reading of my work at several stages of :evtston. I also express
sonnel records of the Crous company. He and his wife, Rosemarie,
my appreciation to my German colleagu_es: to Dons Kaufman for help~
were generous hosts during many visits in the Rhineland. Special
advice and good company, and to Karm Hausen, Carola Sachse, Kann
thanks are also due to Dr. Jurgen Weise of the Rheinisch-Westfalisches
Zachmarm, and Christiane Eifert. .
Wirtschaftsarchiv in Cologne, whose archival skill as well as friendship,
I am perhaps most indebted to my colleagues and ~rien~ at the Umver
empathy, and curiosity enriched my study and enlivened my stay in the
sity of Michigan, where this book took shape, w~o msptred many o~ ~y
Rhineland.
attempts to rethink my work and whose companionship and collegtaltty
My life in Diisseldorf was made both bearable and interesting by my
made doing so less arduous. Geoff Eley's astute comments at a very early
friends Usch and Wolfgang Schloeder-Weck and their daughter Anne,
stage of this work spurred me on to tackle many of its unanswe~ed que~
who shared their home with me and much more. I also express my heart
tions: both my book and I have benefited enormously from h~s candid
felt thanks to Gerda Bullacher, Margot Schloeder, and Jochem Bullacher,
advice and incisive readings as well as from our shared expenences as
who helped make my research possible in more respects than I can name
teachers, mentors, and friends. Bill Rosenberg, Maris Vinovskis, and Terry
here. The Bielefeld segment of my research was enriched by various mem
McDonald offered wise advice on various aspects of this book. Robert
bers of the Fakultat fur Geschichtswissenschaft at the Universitat Bielefeld,
Picard and Francine Lafontaine provided invaluable help with the analysis
in particular Professors Jurgen Kocka and Hans-Ulrich Wehler, wh~ in
and presentation of my empirical data. For camaraderie, good food, and
vited me to present my initial findings to their Doktorandencolloqumm,
an abundance of intellectual stimulation I thank Jane Burbank, Fred Coo
and by Ute Frevert, Claudia Huerkamp, Ute Daniel, Heidrun Homburg,
per, Laura Lee Downs, Eleanor and Geoff Eley, Carol !<arisen, Sonya
Josef Mooser, Michael Prinz, Rudolf Boch, and Reinhard Schuren, who
Rose, Peggy Somers, Michael MacDonald and Carol DICkerman, Lora
offered advice and hospitality. I also thank Karl Ditt, who provided many
Wildenthal and Carl Caldwell, Sally Silk and Tom Wolfe, and Sharon
valuable tips on the history of Bielefeld's textile industry.
Gold-Steinberg. I am certain I learned more from my graduate students at
Several institutions and foundations made this book possible: the Stan
the University of Michigan than I could possibly ha:e tau_ght them. ~n
ford Humanities Center, where I was an Andrew W. Mellon Fellow dur
particular I thank those who helped with my research, mcluding Lora Wil
ing 1991-92; the American Council of Learned Societies, which awarded
denthal, Teresa Sanislo, Kathy Pence, Todd Ettelson, Maureen Stewart,
me a fellowship for 1992; the German Academic Exchange Service
and Andy Donson.
(DAAD), which supported my research trip to Germany in the summer of
Archivists, scholars, and friends who aided my research in Germany and
1991· the Office of the Vice-President for Research and the Rackham
who generously welcomed me back during several subsequent summers '
xu Preface Preface Xlll
Graduate School at the University of Michigan for faculty grants and fel Finally, I thank those who have kept closest company with this book
lowships to support research and writing; and the Department of History over the years and helped bring it to fruition: Hubert Rast, whose own
at the University of Michigan for release time from teaching and adminis gifts as a reader and writer inspired me to write and rewrite countless
trative duties during my "duty-off-campus" semester. times, and Samuel Rast, who reminded me daily of all I was missing as I
Many parts of this book have been presented at seminars or conferences did so.
over the years, including the Department of History Faculty Colloquium
KATHLEEN CANNING
and the interdisciplinary Program for the Comparative Study of Social Ann Arbor, Michigan
Transformation (CSST) at the University of Michigan; the annual meet
ings of the Social Science History Association in 1989, 1991, and 1993;
the conference "The Kaiserreich in the 1990s: New Research, New Direc
tions, New Agendas," held in February 1990 at the University of Pennsyl
vania; the annual meetings of the German Studies Association in 1989 and
1991 and of the American Historical Association in 1994; and the confer
ence "Gender and Modernity in the Era of Rationalization," held at Co
lumbia University in September 1994. I am grateful to those who invited
me to present my work in seminars and forums at the German Historical
Institute, Washington, D.C.; Georgetown University Center for German
and European Studies; the Departments of History at the University of
Wisconsin, the University of Washington, Pitzer College, and the Techni
sche Universitat Berlin; and the Department of German Studies, Stanford
University.
Parts of the Introduction and Conclusion appeared in my article "Gen
der and the Politics of Class Formation: Rethinking German Labor His
tory," American Historical Review 97 (June 1992): 736-68; I thank the
American Historical Association for permission to use this material. Other
portions of those two chapters first appeared in "Feminist History after
the 'Linguistic Turn,"' Signs 19:2 (Winter 1994): 368-404, © 1994 by
the University of Chicago, all rights reserved; that material is used here by
permission of the University of Chicago Press. Parts of chapters 6 and 7
were published as "Gender and the Culture of Work: Ideology and Iden
tity in the World behind the Mill Gate, 1890-1914," in Elections) Mass
Politics) and Social Change in Modern Gennany: New Perspectives, ed. James
Retallack and Larry Eugene Jones (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1992), pp. 175-99; those sections are reprinted by permission of
the publisher.
I am also indebted to my editor at Cornell University Press, Peter
Agree, whose enthusiasm and support for this project sustained me during
the more arduous moments of writing and revision. His advice, both intel
lectual and practical, helped my manuscript become the book I had envi
sioned.
Languages of
Labor and Gender
Introduction
German Labor History and the
Meanings ofWomen's Work
The history of the transformation of the nineteenth-century German in
dustrial landscape is usually written in terms of socioeconomic structures
in transition: workshop to factory, community to society, estate to class. A
principal aim of this book is to explore the ideologies and politics of gen
der as elements of these transformations from the textile mills and towns
of the Rhineland and Westphalia to the national arenas of social reform
and state social policy between 1850 and 1914. Gender was at the heart of
these transitions, from the founding of the first mechanized mills at mid
century to the emergence of textiles as the largest industrial employer of
women by the First World War. In contrast to the "men's industries" of
mining, machine building, and steel, which employed negligible numbers
of women before 1914, here conflicts about gender formed a crucial part
of the changing meanings and structures of work during the transition
from home to factory textile production, as revealed in the dramatic cam
paigns of weavers in the Rhineland against "feminization" (Ver
weiblichung) of the industry and "displacement" of male workers (Ver
driingung) during the 1880s and 1890s. Gender remained a point of
contention as the textile industry became the only industrial sector with a
sizable female Stammarbeiterschaft (core workforce) during the prewar pe
riod. Within the newly mechanized mills, gender shaped the politics of
work, defming and dividing the world behind the mill gate, governing
how workers perceived and organized work experiences, shop-floor cul
tures and protests, the work identities they formed, and the meanings they
assigned to the social identity of class.
Underpinning this story are a number of German particularities, begin-
2 Introduction German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomen1s Work 3
In the most advanced industrial regions of Germany the dislocation and
ning with the protracted transition from h~dicraft production to T?echa
disorder associated with the transition from home industry to factory, and
nized mills in the northwest German textile belt and the congealmg of
with the rapid and visible expansion of female factory labor, lingered well
gender-specific labor markets and divisions of labor. As industrial growth
into the late 1890s, not only shaping the emergent labor movement but
speeded up during the late 1880s and 1890s, factory employers con
also sparking the interest of social reformers and social scientists like Al
fronted a continuous labor shortage in nearly all sectors, promptmg a seg
mentation of the labor market into male and female spheres and a steady fons Thun, Heinrich Herkner, Robert Wilbrandt, and Heinrich Brauns,
who investigated, interpreted, and transmitted to the national public this
expansion of the female workforce in the "women's industries" of textiles,
garments, and cigar making. Germany's rapid industrial growth and recur sense of crisis in the textile towns of the Rhineland and Westphalia.4 It
rent labor shortages in industrial regions, like the Rhineland and West formed the backdrop for the parliamentary debates and controversies in
phalia after 1890 in particular, meant that single and married women the~e the expanding public sphere about the regulation and restriction of female
were drawn into the workforce in unprecedented numbers, whereas m factory labor and thus left its imprint on the interventionist welfare state
that emerged in Germany during the 1890s.
England, for example, the percentage of married women working outside
the home had already begun to decline. 1 Female factory labor came to
represent an urgent social problem in Germany, a profound rupture ~ ~e The Textile Industry as a Site of Inquiry
relations between the sexes, between social order and sexual order. Smular
crises over women's wage labor had occurred across Europe-such as in As a Frauenindustrie (women's industry), the textile industry has not
England during the 1830s and 1840s, culminating in the passage of the figured as a central site of inquiry for German labor historians, whose
Ten Hours Bill in 1847-as expanding industrial labor markets drew
abundant studies of social conditions and organized movements have rele
more women into factories and sweatshops.2 The French crisis coincided gated textile workers to the lowest echelon of skill, wage, social status, and
with the emergence of female factory employment as a new social question political consciousness, precisely because they were largely female. Textile
in Germany and, in particular, with the vigorous campaign for a kgal ban workers and textile mills are central to this inquiry, which in its broadest
on married women's factory employment during the 1890s. Unlike the guise explores the significance of women's work in Germany's much-de
German debates, in which the separation of home and work figured prom
bated transformation from agrarian to industrial state, in contemporaries'
inently, with the purported severing of the two spheres in working perceptions of "die Schrecken des iiberwiegenden Industriestaats" (the
women's daily lives and the perceived intrusion of the (public) factory into
horrors of the industrial state). 5 As the first German industry to move
the (private) home as key concerns, the French discourses on women's
production from household to factory, textiles became an emblem of mod
work focused on sweatshops and home industry, in which the privacy,
ernization, of the transformation of technologies and tools, families, com
integrity, and order of the working-class family was endangered by the
munities, and divisions of labor. The industry also came to signifY the.
proximity of production and reproduction, by the absence of boundaries social and sexual dangers associated with the expanding employment of
between them. 3 women: the licentiousness of factory culture, the physical and moral ruin
of the "female organism," and the social dissolution of the working-class
I. The numbers of married women working outside the home nearly doubled in Ger family. The textile industry posed unique dangers to masculine identity as
many between the census surveys of 1882 and 1907. In the four years between 1895 and
well, for in the narratives of social reform and weavers' protest, the mecha
1899, the proportion of married women among adult female factory workers rose sharply fro?I
21 to 29 percent. See chapter 1 for a more detailed discussion of the female labor market m nized textile mills symbolized "the problem of female competition in cap-
imperial Germany. See, for example, Stefan Bajohr, Die Hiilfte der Fabrik, Geschichte der Frauenar
beit in Deutschland (Marburg: Verlag Arbeiterbewegung und Gesellschafrswissenschafi:, 1979), p. 4. Alfons Thun, Die Industrie am Niederrhein und ihre Arbeiter: Staats- und sozial
25, and Hanus Dom, "Die Frauenerwerbsarbeit und ihre Aufgaben fiir die Gesetzgebung," wissenschaftliche Forschungen, vols. 1 and 2 (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1879); Robert
Archiv for Rechts-und Wirtschaftsphilosophie 5 (1911-12): 86-87. Wilbrandt, Die Weber in der Gegenwart (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1906), and idem, Die
2. See, for example, Sonya 0. Rose, "Factory Reform in Nineteenth Cenmry Britain: Frau~narbeit: Bin Problem des Kapitalismus (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1906); Heinrich Brauns,
Gender, Class and the Liberal State," in Gender and Class in Modern Europe, ed. Laura L. Der Ubergang von der Handweberei zum Fabrikbetrieb in der niederrheinischen Samt-und Seiden
Frader and Sonya 0. Rose (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), and Robert Gray, "The industrie und die Lage der Arbeiter in dieser Periode (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1906);
Language of Factory Reform in Britain, c. 1830-1860," in The Historical Meanings of Work, Heinrich Herkner, Die ArbeiteifTage. Eine Einfohrung, 4th ed. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1905),
first published in 1894.
ed. Patrick Joyce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 143-79.
3. Judith Coffm, "Social Science Meets Sweated Labor: Reinterpreting Women's Work 5. Lujo Brentano, Die Schrecken des iiberwiegenden Industriestaats (Berlin: Leonhard Sim
in Late Nineteenth-Cenmry France," Journal of Modern History 63, no. 2 (1991): 230-70. ion, 1901).
German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomenys Work 5
4 Introduction
italism": they were the first factories to make male workers superfluous, to example, by changing market relations and the expansion of wage labor).8
"cast the Familienviiter [fathers of families] into the streets. "6 The pervasiveness of the divisions between economic, social, cultural, and
Textile mills, with their large contingents of female and teenage work political class formation, of the dichotomies between the class and "non
ers, captured both the experts' gaze and the public imaginatio~ as the class" lines of differentiation-ethnicity, nationality, religion, and gen
long-term effects of women's factory employment on the working-class der-that run "next to, over, under or across class divisions," led its pro
family came to constitute a new social question. The industry set the stage ponents to implicitly or explicitly exclude female textile workers, servants,
for social reform and state social policy initiatives toward women workers, and agricultural and home industrial employees from the decisive domain
in particular for the formulation of protective labor legislation and the of German labor history-class-based on their low wages and status, lack
renovation of social policy that took place during the "new course" of the of Berufsidentitiit (identification with their jobs), or dispersed and dispa
1890s/ The mills came to constitute a complex laboratory, a site of inves rate sites of employment.9 Underpinning both the more and the less tele
tigation and intervention for state bureaucrats and academic social re ological versions of this approach to the history of class are the gendered
formers who sought to alleviate the abuses of factory labor for women an~ narratives of the labor movement itself and the social identity of class they
youths and to resolve the crisis of the family that accompanied the transi constructed.10 Despite its universalist claims, the dominant social identity
tion from home to factory industry. Indeed, their scholarly inquests, par and rhetoric of class of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
liamentary motions, and polemical tracts had a formative part in the ex was cast in terms of a certain idealized relationship to production, a rigid
pansion of the German welfare state during the 1890s. Mter the turn of demarcation between work and "nonwork," production and reproduction,
the century, as concern about the declining German birthrate deepened that by defmition excluded most female workers. A closer scrutiny of the
and social reform became ever more interwoven with social hygiene and relationships between the various levels of class formation makes it clear
eugenics, the high rates of illegitimacy, illness, and infant and matern_al that women workers cannot be made to fit into the progression from one
mortality among textile workers and their children figured importantly m level to another, for the attempt to fmd a place for gender and women in
the public perception of a "state of emergency'' surrounding workin!:?-class this model disarranges teleologies, blurs boundaries between levels, or
motherhood. They also inspired and underpinned the efforts of social re breaks the model apart altogether.
formers to enact maternity insurance, pregnancy leave, and other protec Far from a new interrogation of established concepts and categories,
Germany's preeminent labor historians have recently undertaken a massive
tive measures for mothers and children.
8. For a call to "push at the boundaries" of labor history, see Gay Gullickson, "Commen
tary: New Labor History from the Perspective of a Women's Historian," in Rethinking Labor
The Boundaries of German Labor History History: Essays on Discourse and Class Analysis, ed. Lenard Berlanstein (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1993), p. 207.
9. Jiirgen Kocka, Lohnarbeit und Klassenbildung: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in
Although the textile industry is neither typical nor representative_ of the Deutschland, 1800-1875 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz, 1983), p. 29. Also see his Weder Stand noch
German patterns of industrial transformation, welfare-state formation, or Klasse: Unterschiehten um 1800 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz, 1990), pp. 38-39, and Arbeits
the emergence of class cultures or conflicts, I argue here that it forms a verhiiltnisse und Arbeiterexistenzen: Grundlagen der Klassenbildung im 19. Ja hrhundert (Bonn:
J. H. W. Dietz, 1990) (vols. 1 and 2 of the series Geschichte der Arbeiter und der Arbeiter
singular site of linkage among these processes from the mid-nineteenth
bewegung in Deutschland seit dem Ende des 18. Jal!rhundens, edited by Gerhard A. Ritter).
century through the eve of the First World War. In its emphasis on such I am using the term "nondass" for Kocka's "nicht klassenmaBige Trennungslinien."
linkage, this book seeks to "push at the boundaries" of German labor his 10. Two somewhat different explications of the levels model can be found in Hartmut
tory, to transcend its narrative strictures and structures, its embeddedness Zwa!Jr, Zur Konstituierung des Proletariats als Klasse: Strukturuntersuchung fiber das Leipziger
Proletariat wiihrend der Industriellen Revolution (Berlin: Akademie, 1978), and Jiirgen Kocka,
in an Entwicklungs- und Verlaufsmodell of class formation-a model that
"Problems of Working-Class Formation: The Early Years, 1800-1875," in Working-Class
outlines the progressive advancement of the various levels of class forma Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, ed. Ira Katz
tion as shaped less by human actors than by structures and processes (for nelson and Aristide Zolberg (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 279-351.
Kocka's models are generally regarded as far less teleological (in the sense of explicit political
6. Wilbrandt, Die Weber, pp. 1, 124. . outcomes at the final, foutth level of class formation) than Zwa!Jr's. For a critical discussion
7. On the "new course" in social policy, see Hans Jorg von Berlepsch, "Neuer Kurs" zm of both versions of the levels model, see Kathleen Canning, "Gender and the Politics of Class
Kaiserreich? Die Arbeiterpolitik des Freiherrn von Berlepsch 1890 bis 1896 (Bonn: Neue Gesell Formation: Rethinking German Labor History," American Historical Review 97 (June 1992):
schaft, 1987). 736-68.
