Human Rights Protection in Global Politics: Responsibilities of States and Non-State Actors

329 Pages·2015·1.64 MB·English

by  Kurt Mills

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ELIMINATINGWEAPONSOFMASSDESTRUCTION
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GOVERNANCEOFEARTHSYSTEMS
ScienceandItsUses
MikeBourne
ARMINGCONFLICT
TheProliferationofSmallArms
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GLOBALGOVERNANCEINTHETWENTY-FIRSTCENTURY
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“NON-LETHAL”WEAPONS
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GLOBALGOVERNANCEANDCORPORATERESPONSIBILITYINCONFLICT
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TowardsGlobalGovernance
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GLOBALIZATIONANDHEALTH
AnIntroduction
CatherineLu
JUSTANDUNJUSTINTERVENTIONSINWORLDPOLITICS
PublicandPrivate
KurtMillsandDavidJasonKarp(editors)
HUMANRIGHTSPROTECTIONINGLOBALPOLITICS
ResponsibilitiesofStatesandNon-StateActors
RobertL.OstergardJr.(editor)
HIV,AIDSANDTHETHREATTONATIONALANDINTERNATIONALSECURITY
GrahamS.Pearson
THEUNSCOMSAGA
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ANUCLEARWEAPONS-FREEWORLD?
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STRATEGICNUCLEARSHARING
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‘THECHINESECENTURY’?
TheChallengetoGlobalOrder
AndrewTaylor
STATEFAILURE
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Human Rights Protection
in Global Politics
Responsibilities of States and
Non-State Actors
Editedby
Kurt Mills
SeniorLecturerinInternationalHumanRights,UniversityofGlasgow,UK
David Jason Karp
LecturerinInternationalRelations,UniversityofSussex,UK
Selectionandeditorialmatter©KurtMillsandDavidJasonKarp2015
Individualchapters©Respectiveauthors2015
Foreword©EdwardC.Luck2015
Softcoverreprintofthehardcover1stedition2015 978–1–137–46316–6
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Contents
ListofTables vii
Foreword viii
Preface xiv
NotesonContributors xv
Part I ResponsibilityandHumanRights
1 Introduction:HumanRightsResponsibilitiesofStatesand
Non-StateActors 3
DavidJasonKarpandKurtMills
2 HumanitarianismandResponsibilityinDiscourse
andPractice 23
GlennMitomaandKerryBystrom
Part II States’Responsibilities:Beyond‘Violations’
ofHumanRights
3 DoctrinalInnovationandStateObligations:ThePatterns
ofDoctrinalDevelopmentintheJurisprudenceoftheUN
CommitteeonEconomic,SocialandCulturalRights 49
MátyásBódig
4 IndivisibleHumanRightsandtheEnd(s)oftheState 69
DanielJ.Whelan
5 BeyondIndividualAccountability:TheMeaningofState
Responsibility 90
MarkGibney
Part III ResponsibilitiesofNon-StateActors
6 PuttingtheBlameonGovernments:WhyFirmsand
GovernmentsHaveFailedtoAdvancetheGuiding
PrinciplesonBusinessandHumanRights 113
SusanArielAaronsonandIanHigham
v
vi Contents
7 TheConceptofHumanRightsProtectionandtheUN
GuidingPrinciplesonBusinessandHumanRights 137
DavidJasonKarp
8 HumanRightsLtd.:AnAlternativeApproachtoAssessing
theImpactofTransnationalCorporationsonHuman
Rights 159
FlorGonzálezCorrea
9 LivingUptoHumanRightsResponsibilities:Lawyersand
LawFirmsintheChineseAuthoritarianContext 180
NicolaMacbeanandElisaNesossi
10 FulfillingtheRighttoEducation?ResponsibilitiesofState
andNon-StateActorsinMyanmar’sEducationSystem 201
MaaikeMatelski
Part IV TheResponsibilitytoProtect
11 WhatResponsibilitiesDoestheInternationalCommunity
HaveinComplexHumanitarianCrisesandMassAtrocity
Situations? 223
KurtMills
12 GrapplingwithDoubleManifestFailure:R2Pandthe
CivilianProtectionConundrum 245
MelissaT.Labonte
13 PreventionCascade:TheUnitedStatesandtheDiffusion
ofR2P 268
MichaelGalchinsky
14 ArgumentationandtheResponsibilitytoProtect:The
CaseofLibya 288
TimDunneandKatharineGelber
Index 309
Tables
11.1 Responsibilityconundrums 237
12.1 SecurityCouncilapproachestogaugingmanifestfailure 253
vii
Foreword
This is a valuable collection both because of the freshness of the topic
andbecauseofthebroadinterdisciplinaryapproachadoptedbytheedi-
torsandauthors.Theircontributionsrangefromtheconceptualtothe
practical,frominsightsaboutthenatureofresponsibilityandofrights
themselves to the relative merits of various policy alternatives for ful-
filling and advancing them. Both my academic and practitioner sides
benefittedfromthistimelyandusefulvolume.
In policycircles, it hasbecome commonplace toattest tothecritical
role played by non-state actors and, particularly, civil society both in
developing and in implementing international norms. Representatives
of governments and international institutions alike feel compelled to
praisethecontributionsoftheircivilsocietypartnersandtounderscore
howmuchtimeandattentiontheydevotetobuildingthosecollabora-
tions.Politicalmotivationsaside,thoseattestationsreflectthedegreeto
whichvariouskindsofpublic–privatepartnershipshavebecomeintegral
to the ways in which public policy is formed and delivered, as well as
monitored and assessed. Yet, despite the widespread acknowledgment
of the place of non-state actors in international and domestic affairs,
whether as spoilers, advocates, healers or service providers, the serious
studyofthedynamicsandimplicationsofthesecomplexandchanging
relationshipslagsfarbehindtherhetoric.
This is true even in the study of human rights and of the responsi-
bility to protect (R2P), areas in which both the creation of the norms
andthepursuitofthemaspublicpolicyprioritiesflowlargelyfromthe
impetusoftransnationalcivilsociety.Acorequeryinthisvolume–who
isresponsiblefortheimplementationofhumanrightsandR2Pprinci-
ples? – is one that haunted my five-year tenure as the United Nations’
Special Adviser for the Responsibility to Protect (2008–2012). In every
situation that we addressed, the role of non-state actors – for good or
ill – was prominent, sometimes even decisive. We depended on our
NGO partners for helping to build and sustain political support with
theMemberStates,aswellastohelptoexplaintheSecretary-General’s
implementation strategy to the media, the academic and think tank
communities,andtopublicstakeholdersaroundtheworld.Insocieties
atriskofmassatrocitycrimes,rallyingandworkingwithlocalcivilsoci-
etywasoftenessentialtosuccessfulpreventionofsuchcrimesoroftheir
viii
Foreword ix
incitement.Ontheotherhand,inplaceswherecivilsocietywasunder-
developed or suppressed, the chances of heading off such crimes or of
preventingtheirreoccurrencewerefarlesspromising.Inmyexperience,
thiswasthemostcriticaloroneofthemostcriticalfactorsindetermin-
ingtherecordofsuccessandfailureinimplementingR2Pprinciplesin
specificsituations.
Itisperhapsironic,therefore,thatthethreeparagraphs(138–140)of
theOutcomeDocumentofthe2005WorldSummitcontainingthehis-
toric international commitment to the responsibility to protect make
nomentionofnon-stateactorsorcivilsociety.1 Giventhatthiswasthe
consensusdeclarationofoneofthelargestgatheringsofheadsofstate
and government, however, makes this statist oversight less surprising.
Tomyreading,thereferencestothe‘internationalcommunity’inpara-
graphs 138 and 139 were intended to encompass civil society as well
as governments and international institutions. All of the reports and
statements that I crafted for the Secretary-General made this assump-
tionandtheMemberStatesneverobjected.Somedelegations,however,
didraisequestionsabouttheappropriateplaceofcivilsocietygroupsin
assessingwhethersuchcrimeshadbeencommittedandindecidinghow
governmentsandintergovernmentalorganizationsoughttorespond.
Imadeabiggerleapoffaith,however,inproposingtotheSecretary-
Generalthatheassertthatnon-statearmedgroupsthatcontrolterritory,
aswellasnationalauthorities,havetheresponsibilitytoprotectpopu-
lations by preventing the four specified crimes and their incitement.2
It seemed to me evident that some of the worst atrocities had been
and were being committed by armed groups, whether in Sierra Leone,
Kenya,theDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo(DRC),orSomalia,among
others. Yet the initial R2P paradigm, as laid out brilliantly in the 2001
report of the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty (ICISS), focused solely on the scenario of repressive gov-
ernments committing atrocities against innocent civilians.3 The 2005
Outcome Document followed that path, saying nothing about cases
in which governments did not control all of their territory and armed
groupswerecommittinghorrendousatrocitycrimes,suchasmassrapes
andgender-basedviolence.Nothingwassaid,aswell,aboutmassatroc-
ities committed by terrorists, which was particularly ironic given that
theICISSreportwasreleasedatthetimeofthe9/11attacks.Myassump-
tion, which fortunately proved correct, was that Member States would
notobjecttoareformulationthatrecognizedthattheywerenotalways
on the wrong side of such acts. In practice, we later had to address
several situations, such as in Kyrgyzstan, Mali, South Sudan, and the