Hellenization of the Babylonian Culture?

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THE MELAMMU PROJECT

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“Hellenization of the Babylonian Culture?”
JOACHIM OELSNER

Published in Melammu Symposia 3:
A. Panaino and G. Pettinato (eds.),
Ideologies as Intercultural Phenomena.
Proceedings of the Third Annual Symposium of the
Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project.
Held in Chicago, USA, October 27-31, 2000
(Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2002), pp. 183-96.
Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/

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OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
JOACHIM OELSNER Leipzig
Hellenization of the Babylonian Culture?
O
n Hellenization of the Babylonian the characteristic administrative institu-
culture much has been said and tions and their social implications, and –
written. Maybe it seems super- not to forget – the use of the cuneiform
fluous to consider the theme for another script in combination with the tradition
time. But the opinions on the problem are of the respective literature – literature in
quite different. Some people hold the po- the broadest sense.
sition of important influences, and pos- A second point should be mentioned.
tulate a mixed Babylonian-Hellenistic The Babylonian culture defined in this
culture in the Seleucid period (in Ger- way will be existent above all in those
man: “babylonisch- hellenistische Misch- cities of Southern Mesopotamia where it
kultur”). Others are more sceptical re- had a long tradition. Therefore only these
garding the Greek influences. Therefore I ones will be considered. In Hellenistic
think it will not be useless, to reflect foundations like Seleucia on the Tigris
anew on some aspects of the problem. there was another situation which brings
Let me say it in advance: I am a mini- about other questions. These will be left
malist in this respect. Nevertheless out.1
briefly I will discuss some aspects of the And thirdly. I don’t see a tendency of
phenomenon “Hellenization.” Other ones forced Hellenization by the Seleucid
will be left out. kings in Western Asia. This is in accor-
Regarding “Mischkultur”: this would dance with the tendency of recent re-
mean that there is a inseparable mixture search.2
of elements of different origins which is And now: can Hellenization be seen in
more than a symbiosis. But is this really the sources from Seleucid Babylonia?
attested in the sources? And when it is Yes and no! In this respect one must dif-
existent, where is it? ferentiate between Hellenization in Ba-
First there should be a definition of bylonia and Hellenization of the Babylo-
Babylonian culture. I will not go into nian culture. My topic is only the latter
details, but say it in a more general way. one. There is no doubt that the Hellenis-
In my eyes the crucial factor is the exis- tic administration to a certain amount af-
tence of the traditional temples with the fected life and the Greeks living in
adoration of the deities, who were re- Babylonia were orientated along the
vered since millennia in the country, with Greek-Hellenistic culture.
1 Since the days of Eduard Meyer the ideas on Hel- Meyer, Blüte und Niedergang des Hellenismus in
lenization in the Near East have changed considera- Asien (Berlin 1925), 80 (with the date 164 A.D.).
bly. Nevertheless it holds true that Seleucia was the 2 See M. Austin, in K. Brodersen (ed.), Zwischen Ost
most important centre of Hellenism in Babylonia and und West. Studien zur Geschichte des Seleukiden-
its demolition in 165 A.D. was the death blow to the reichs (Hamburg 1999), 138 and fn. 16.
Hellenism in the region east of the Euphrates, see E.
A. Panaino & G. Pettinato (eds.)
MELAMMU SYMPOSIA III (Milano 2002)
ISBN 88-8483-107-5 183
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
1. Does the “Babyloniaka” of Berossos written in the Greek language
give evidence of Hellenization?
The Babylonian individual B l-r ’ûšu, writings are lost, this can be seen fore-
whose name in Greek transmission is most by the Aramaic dockets on cunei-
turned to Berossos – written in different form tablets. But even in the late fifth
orthography in the manuscripts – was ac- century where most of them come from,
cording to the tradition a priest of B l- e.g. in the Murašû archive from Nippur
Marduk, the city god of Babylon. Here only about 10% of the tablets have such
we will not discuss the meaning of dockets.
“priest.” I only will mention that this In recent years archaeological excava-
term often is used in a quite un-precise tions and publications of material in the
way. But it must stressed, that B l- museums’ stores considerably have en-
r ’ûšu/Berossos was trained in the tradi- larged the sources for the later Achae-
tions of Babylonia and without any doubt menid period. Therefore no longer the
knew Akkadian (as well as Sumerian in position can be held that in the fourth
the way it was transmitted in his days) century B.C. cuneiform writing was on
and was able to read – and maybe to the decline. Sure, the number of texts
write – cuneiform.3 from one place and a certain period dif-
But what was the Babylonian culture fers and is dependent from different fac-
like at his time, i.e. in the later 4th cen- tors which prohibit the use of statistical
tury B.C.? Many times you will read that methods.5
during the Achaemenid period it was on Viewing the material on which Beros-
the decline and cuneiform script as well sos could base his work the situation thus
as the Akkadian language were replaced has changed. There exist different groups
by Aramaic and the “alphabetic” script.4 of literary-religious texts which are con-
Nobody will deny that Aramaic played an temporary to him. As one example of the
important role. As most of the Aramaic last quarter of the fourth century may be
3 The last translation of the fragments of his Arsacid Empire: Sources and Documentation (=
Babyloniaca is G.P. Verbrugghe and J.M. Wicker- Historia. Einzelschriften 122, Stuttgart 1998), 255,
sham, Berossos and Manetho. Introduced and discusses the question whether Akkadian still was
Translated. Native Traditions in Ancient Mesopota- spoken by a minority of the people in Babylonian
mia and Egypt (Ann Arbor 1996), 11-91. See also A. cities (on this see R.N. Frye, OLZ 95 (2000), 480).
Kuhrt, “Berossus’s Babyloniaca and Seleucid Rule in Cf. also the remarks on the situation of the Elamite
Babylonia,” in A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White (eds.), language in Achaemenid times, made by M.A. Dan-
Hellenism in the East (Berkeley and Los Angeles damayev, Or. 66 (1997), 103 (in his review of A.
1987), 32-56. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 B.C.
4 The problem of the use of cuneiform and Akkadian (London and New York 1995), in regard to p. 367).
in the second half of the first millennium B.C. (and 5 One example – the case of Ur: whereas in this city
later) here cannot be discussed. Only two recent has been excavated a considerable number of cunei-
statements: M. Blasberg, Keilschrift in aramäischer form documents dated to the fourth century B.C.
Umwelt (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cologne (published by H.H. Figulla in UET 4), only a single
1997), 158, denies that Late Babylonian was a spo- text is dated to Nabonid (UET 4, 36), see J. Oelsner,
ken language; R.J van der Spek, in J. Wiesehöfer AfO 46/47 (1999/2000), 385.
(ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse. The
184
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
taken the tablets of Iq!šâ from Uruk6 and To sum up: Berossos lived in a world
those of a certain Tanittu-B l from Ba- in which Babylonian religion, literature
bylon.7 The latter group was written in and traditions were alive. To go into de-
the time of Alexander the Great who died tails here is impossible.
in Babylon in June 323 B.C.,8 a number What has been said in the foregoing in
of tablets of the first group is dated to my eyes means, Berossos, even attracted
the time of Philip Arrhidaios (323-316 by the Greek culture, was not really Hel-
B.C.). By this they evidently may be lenized, but a true Babylonian! Never-
taken as sources for the ideas current in theless he wrote a book in Greek and de-
the time of Berossos. dicated it to a Hellenistic king – the Se-
Both Libraries – and some other ones leucid Antiochos I (281-261 B.C.). Why?
too – lead to the presumption that the en- The most reasonable explanation – but
tire range of the Babylonian literary and nowadays not the common opinion – is: he
scribal tradition known in the first half intended to bring near the traditions of
and the middle of the first millennium his country to the new overlords. Likewi-
B.C. still was transmitted in that period. I se acted Manetho in Egypt at the same ti-
consciously say “transmitted” and not me. One can understand that they used for
“copied.” The reasons for this I will give their goal the literary conventions of the
later. We even may go a step further: the readers they had in mind. As was stated
texts which are known from the fifth and recently, Berossos failed in this, because
the early fourth centuries B.C., foremost in this respect his book had deficiencies.9
from Babylon, Borsippa, and Uruk, to a Nevertheless, if he is considered a Helle-
certain amount also from Nippur, prove nistic author his book does not prove a
an unbroken line of transmission. Hellenization of the Babylonian culture.
2. In which sectors of life Hellenization does appear?
Some selected examples may be dis- cities in the Hellenistic period Robertus
cussed: van der Spek writes: “Thus the conclu-
sion must be that Babylonian cities only
superficially were hellenised and did not
2.1. Interrelations between the acquire Greek civic institutions although
Babylonians and the ruling they have had representatives of the
Macedonians: Society and law Greek government. The Greeks as far as
present evidence goes, seem to have had
Let me start with a citation. After dis- their own separate communities.”10 This I
cussing the character of the Babylonian only can underline as the result of my
6 Most of his tablets are published by H. Hunger and Miguel Civil (= AuOr 9, Barcelona 1991), 91-104.
E. von Weiher in SpTU I-V (Berlin 1976-1998). A 8 Now dated to June 11, see L. Depuydt, “The Time of
collection of all his tablets still is outstanding, for a the Death of Alexander the Great: 11 June 323 B.C.
preliminary one see J. Oelsner, “Die Entwicklung der (-322), ca. 4.00-5.00 PM,” WO 28 (1997), 117-135.
Kolophone im neu- und spätbabylonischen Uruk,” in 9 See G.P. Verbrugghe and J.M. Wickersham, Beros-
M. Dubrocard and C. Kircher (eds.), Hommage a sos (above fn. 3), 31-34.
Doyen Weiss (Nice 1996), 429-444 (especially p. 439). 10 Summary of his study “The Babylonian City” in A.
7 I.L. Finkel, “Muššu’u, Qut"ru and the Scribe Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White, Hellenism in the East
Tanittu-B l,” in P. Michalowski et al. (eds.), Velles (above fn. 3), 74.
Paraules. Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of
185
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
own studies. involved. On the other hand impressions
To sum them up. There are cuneiform of seals of Babylonian temple officials
documents from different places which have been excavated in Seleucia on the
show that the traditional formularies Tigris.14
were used, even if there are some varia- There is a good number of interrela-
tions.11 But whether these “seem to indica- tions between the Babylonians and the
te a desire on the part of the Greek ruler ruling Macedonians which result from
or representative to bring Babylonian the fact, that Babylonia was part of the
practice into line with Greek ideas,”12 is Seleucid Empire. But these need a study
a matter if dispute and in my eyes an ex- of its own.15
aggerated statement. Sure, the Greek lan-
guage was used in some fields and Greek
institutions were acting when the inter- 2.2. Temple architecture
ests of the king were concerned. And this
means of course that a considerable part A number of Babylonian sanctuaries
of the administrative, juridical and other was reconstructed during the Hellenistic
official documents was written in Greek, period, for the most part in the third
always then when royal officials had to century B.C. Regarding Esangila in Ba-
act, e.g. by raising taxes. This regards bylon and Ezida in Borsippa this is
those documents in which the Hellenistic proven by a foundation cylinder with a
administration – responsible for taxes to cuneiform inscription,16 and during the
be paid13 – or the rulers themselves were excavations of Esangila remains of Se-
11 Now there exists a considerable number of addi- places – Babylon, Larsa, Nippur - are known much
tions to the documents which had been collected in J. less examples), see Wallenfels, “Private seals” 114
Oelsner, Materialien zur babylonischen Gesellschaft and fns. 11-14; for Uruk see J. Oelsner, “Siegelung
und Kultur in hellenistischer Zeit (Budapest 1986). und Archivierung von Dokumenten im helleni-
12 So G.J.P. McEwan, “Hellenistic Marriage Con- stischen Babylonien,” in M.-F. Boussac and A. In-
tracts,” in M.J. Geller and H. Maehler (eds.), Legal vernizzi (eds.), Archives et Sceaux, 102s. and fn. 10
Documents of the Hellenistic World (London 1995), (regarding exemplars from the Irigal), 108-110 (those
26. from the R š). See also Oelsner, Materialien (above
13 A characteristic example and at the same time the fn. 11), 257s.
earliest one of an apparently Hellenistic official act- 14 Mentioned (with additional literature) in R. Wal-
ing by impressing his seal on a cuneiform document lenfels, “Private Seals,” 115 fn. 20 sub 2. See also A.
is the slave sale BRM 2, 10 from Uruk, dated 2.VI. 37 Invernizzi, “Archivi Pubblici di Seleucia sul Tigri,”
SE = August 21, 275 B.C. Last edition: R. Wallen- in M.-F. Boussac and A. Invernizzi (eds.), Archives et
fels, Uruk. Hellenistic Seal Impressions in the Yale Sceaux, 136 and fn. 25. The inscription reads makk r
Babylonian Collection. I. Cuneiform Texts (= AUWE B!l “property of (the god) B l.”
19, Mainz 1994), 9 no. 1, for the different interpreta- 15 A. Invernizzi, “Seleucia and Uruk: Cities of Seleucid
tions of the caption see L.T. Doty, JNES 38 (1978), Babylonia,” in U. Finkbeiner et al. (eds.), Beiträge zur
195-197; G.J.P. McEwan, JNES 41 (1982), 51-53 (J. Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens. Festschrift für Rainer
Landergott, AfO 29/30 (1983/84), 124, is based on Michael Boehmer (Mainz 1995), 273-280, discusses
the former reading given by A.T. Clay in his copy in the problem of the political status of the two cities.
BRM); see also R. Wallenfels, “Private Seals and 16 Easily available transliteration and translation: F.H.
Sealing Practices at Hellenistic Uruk,” in M.-F. Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achämeniden (=
Boussac and A. Invernizzi (eds.), Archives et Sceaux Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 3, Leipzig 1911), XXX,
du Monde Hellénistique. Archivi e Sigilli nel Mondo 133-135, anew edited by A. Kuhrt, in A. Kuhrt and S.
Ellenistico (= Bulletin de Correspondance Hellé- Sherwin-White, “Aspect of Seleucid Royal Ideology:
nique, Supplement 29, Athens 1996), 115s. and fns. The Cylinder of Antiochus I from Borsippa,” JHS
19ss. – Considerable numbers of clay bullae, often 111 (1991), 75-78. According to col. I ll. 13-16 was
bearing seal impressions made by officials, have been the foundation ceremony on 20.XII.43 SE = March
found in Uruk and Seleucia on the Tigris (from other 27, 268 B.C.
186
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
leucid building activities were iden- one element in the R š which is inter-
tified.17 In addition to this in the so- preted as of Greek origin: a frieze made
called “astronomical diaries” reconstruc- of glazed bricks and representing Baby-
tion or repair work at temples in Babylon lonian motifs. But unlike the “procession
more than once is mentioned.18 street” in Babylon, dated by the scholars
As excavations show at Larsa in the to the time of Nebukadnezzar II, where
Ebabbar sanctuary a building in the tra- these were found at the lower parts of the
ditional way was erected,19 whereas an- walls, they evidently must have been at-
other Babylonian style temple at Nippur, tached immediately below the roof, like
i.e. the latest building phase of the in the Greek manner. This as well as a
Inanna temple, is dated by the excavators glazed brick with a fragmentary Greek
even later: to the first century A.D. – i.e. inscription, which also seems to be part
to the Parthian period.20 of the frieze and presumably commemo-
The best known Babylonian temples of rates the building of the temple, is inter-
the Hellenistic period are in Uruk. Here preted by the excavators as Hellenistic
the R š sanctuary of Anu and Antu with influence.22 If this interpretation holds
a ziqqurrat as well as the Irigal of Na- stand, it may result out of Hellenizing
naya were erected in huge dimensions. tendencies in the leading families of the
The holy complex was completed by an city who according to cuneiform inscrip-
Ak!tu house outside the city wall tions were responsible for the building.
whereas Eanna found less interest.21 In But on the other hand the texts show, that
the excavations were discovered typical these persons in the same way acted as
Babylonian ground plans. But there is true Babylonians.
17 See E. Schmidt, “Die Griechen in Babylon und das der Seleukiden- bis zur Sasanidenzeit (= AUWE 17,
Weiterleben ihrer Kultur,” Archäologischer Anzeiger Mainz 1998), 417 and fn. 1990). See also Oelsner,
56 (Berlin 1941), 810-812, also F. Wetzel et al. (eds.), Materialien (above fn. 11), 104-106; S.B. Downey,
Das Babylon der Spätzeit (= WVDOG 62, Berlin Mesopotamian Religious Architecture. Alexander
1957, Reprint 1994), 29 f. Summary of the excava- through the Parthians (Princeton 1988), 144-147. – If
tion results: Oelsner, Materialien (above fn. 11), 112- there was a Seleucid reconstruction of Ekur then it is
126, see Oelsner, AfO 46/47 (1999-2000), 375s. hidden underneath the Parthian fort at that place, for
18 E.g. AD No. -140C Z. 43 (Marduk gate); -125B Z. the latter see G. Bergamini, “Parthian Fortifications
14; -105B Z. 15’, -105A Z. 32’/-105B Z. 30’, -105A in Mesopotamia,” Mesopotamia 22 (1987), 195-214,
Rs. 3’, 21’, 38’. especially 205-210 and fns. 26-28, Fig. K-N. The
19 O. Lecomte, “Stratigraphical Analysis and Ceramic existence of Ekur in late Seleucid times is proven by
Assemblages of the 4th – 1st Centuries B.C.E. two cuneiform documents, see R.J. van der Spek,
E.babbar of Larsa (South Iraq),” in: U. Finkbeiner “Nippur, Sippar, Larsa in the Hellenistic Period,” in
(ed.), Materialien zur Archäologie der Seleukiden- Ellis, M. de J. (ed.), Nippur at the Centennial. Papers
und Partherzeit im südlichen Babylonien und im Read at the 35e Rencontre Assyriologique Interna-
Golfgebiet (Tübingen 1993), 17-39 (additional lit- tionale (Philadelphia 1992), 250-260.
erature). 21 See now the final excavation report: A. Kose,
20 E.J. Keall, “Parthian Nippur and Vologases’ Uruk, 93-196 (R š and ziqqurrat), 197-242 (Irigal),
Southern Strategy: a Hypothesis,” JAOS 95 (1975), 277-289 (Ak!tu), 257-276 (Eanna).
620-632, especially 625 f. and fn. 14; the same, The 22 See Kose, Uruk, 23s., 75 sub 5.1.1.1. (inscribed
Significance of Late Parthian Nippur (Ph. D. disser- brick), 162, 416. – When the author visited the exhi-
tation, University of Michigan 1970); R.L. Zettler, bition of the Oriental Institute Museum of the Uni-
The Ur III Temple of Inanna at Nippur (= Berliner versity of Chicago following the Melammu meeting
Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 11, Berlin 1992), 50- he came upon a relief from Persepolis (inventory
55. But cf. E. Heinrich, Die Tempel und Heiligtümer number: A 24068) with a freeze of bulls, lions, and
im alten Mesopotamien (Berlin 1982), 334s. and fig. rosettes beneath the roof comparable to that of the
424, who argues in favour of a Seleucid date (ap- R š. That means, already in the art of the Achae-
provingly cited by Kose, Uruk. Architektur IV. Von menids such a feature was used.
187
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
In the other sanctuary in the centre of 2.3. Religious ideas and cultic
Hellenistic Uruk, the Irigal, there was an institutions
Aramaic inscription written on glazed
bricks.23 As one and the same city leader, As far as the texts – and this means the
Anu-uballi , with the Greek surname Ke- cuneiform texts as others are not avail-
phalon, built both the monuments it is able – give any information, the religious
evident that he used three languages side ideas and cultic institutions in general
by side. He is a member of that branch of are a continuation of those of earlier Ba-
the A!ûtu clan where the Hellenization bylonian periods.
of Babylonians best can be seen. As rep- There exists a considerable number of
resentative of the city administration he cuneiform texts of religious character,
had two faces: on the one side he was i.e. cultic songs and prayers as well as
member of the indigenous Babylonian omina, incantations, rituals and of other
population, on the other being in contact literary types (e.g. the Gilgamesh epic).27
with the king and the royal administra- In the scientific literature on ancient
tion he had a Hellenistic behaviour. In Mesopotamia often is said “they were
addition he presumably was married to a copied by the priests and scholars.” Of
Greek woman and his offspring more course it is true that the people who
than once bore only Greek names.24 could read and write in general were
It also should be mentioned that also a members of these groups, out of which in
badly damaged stone inscription in Greek all periods of Mesopotamian history the
was found in the R š which maybe of educated persons were recruited. But also
Seleucid date.25 That there are some fur- one has to ask for the “Sitz im Leben” of
ther objects bearing Greek inscriptions or these texts. One example: would the po-
letters, among them a Greek graffito of a sition be correct that the late copies of
name on brick found in the Irigal,26 will the ritual for the Babylonian New Year’s
not wonder in a historic environment Festival – some maybe written only in
where different languages were used side the early first century B.C. – were writ-
by side and real Babylonians also had ten by some old fashioned people without
hellenizing tendencies. any practical benefit? I don’t think so.28
23 Kose, Uruk, 24, 78 sub 5.2.1.1. Brandenburgensis, Inscriptiones Graecae, to have a
24 See L.T. Doty, “Nikarchos and Kephalon,” in E. look at the photo (many thanks for his kindness).
Leichty et al. (eds.), A Scientific Humanist. Studies in With reservations (as the photo as not as clear as one
Memory of Abraham Sachs (Philadelphia 1988), 95- likes, a squeeze would be preferable) he tends to-
118. – For the historical sources from Babylon which wards a Seleucid date.
here are treated not in detail see T. Boiy, Laatachae- 26 Kose, Uruk, 78 sub 5.1.2.8.
menidisch en hellenistisch Babylon. Portret van een 27 As far as they were known to the first half of the
Mesopotamische stad in een cultureel spanningsveld eighties they are collected in Oelsner, Materialien
(Ph. D. dissertation, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, (above fn. 11). Meanwhile there is much additional
Faculteit Letteren, Departement Oosterse en Slavi- material available.
sche Studies, Leuven 2000). 28 One must not go as far as H. Zimmern, ZA 34
25 Kose, Uruk (above fn. 20), 75 sub 5.1.1.2. It was (1922), 192, who suspects that not only the exem-
found in secondary context. Regarding the date, Kose plars which have come down to us, but also the com-
says “Dat. nach den Buchstabenformen eher seleu- position of the texts themselves (F. Thureau-Dangin,
kidisch als partherzeitlich.” But p. 472 sub no. 707 he Rituels accadiens (Paris 1921), 127-154) are of late
states: “Buchstabentypen kaiserzeitlich.” I asked Dr. date. But nevertheless, we are convinced they were
Klaus Hallof, Academia Scientiarum Berolinensis et used during the festival!
188
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
To the contrary: when the texts had been 2.4. Identification of Babylonian
“copied,” to use the widespread termi- deities with Greek ones
nology, they must have an actual signifi-
cance. And that the cults were practiced In the literature on Hellenistic Babylo-
can be seen by the temple buildings of nia from time to time can be read that
immense sizes, which otherwise don’t Babylonian deities hade been equated
make any sense. with Greek ones.30 Sure, one may find
What I will say is: as long as cultic examples for this phenomenon in the an-
texts were written they were used in the cient sources, but only in the Greek (and
cult of the corresponding deities. But this Latin) ones.31 In the native tradition such
also means Akkadian still was the lan- an identification, which would include
guage of the religious ceremonies. In the syncretism, cannot be found. As has been
same way it must be stated that the dif- shown, Babylonian deities had been wor-
ferent kinds of omina or incantations shipped in the traditional way. But if
were used with the corresponding rites or they are mentioned in Greek texts they
rituals. By this it is maintained that the may be equated with more or less compa-
religious etc. cuneiform texts which have rable Greek ones, that means may get an
come down to us are a sign of a corre- interpretatio Graeca. But this is not a
sponding cultic practice and in this way sign of “Hellenization” of the native
they also corroborate an intact Babylo- culture. To go into details is precluded in
nian culture in the sphere they were des- this context.
tined for.29
By themselves the texts give no infor-
mation on the number of practitioners of
the just mentioned cults. But can one 2.5. People with Babylonian and
imagine that there were only small Greek double names
groups of them? Then one has to explain
why so few people will erect huge temple With persons bearing Babylonian and
buildings? The conclusion is unavoidable Greek double names sometimes, but not
that the veneration of the Babylonian always, it seems that there is a equation
deities was the religion of a considerable of Babylonian deities with Greek ones
number of the indigenous population – too. Whether it is by chance or voluntar-
the more as the hints to other religions ily that in such cases the Greek divine
are scarce. Cults of Aramaic deities any- name corresponds to the Babylonian one
how are not attested. is open to dispute.32 More important in
29 Therefore I can’t agree with F. Rochberg, in J. 1965), 41 s.v. (the supposed transition of the Marduk
Marzahn and H. Neumann (eds.), Assyriologica et cult to Uruk is mere fiction without any base in the
Semitica. Festschrift für Joachim Oelsner (= AOAT sources).
252, Münster 2000), 372, when she says, that the 31 Eg. Nabû corresponds to Apollo, Nanaja to
series En ma Anu Enlil “may simply have been pre- Artemis: Strabo XVI 1,7, see R. Koldewey, Das
served because it was a central part of the scholars- wiedererstehende Babylon, 5th ed. by B. Hrouda
scribes’ tradition.” Why transmit “literature” which is (Berlin 1990), 408 f. On the other hand Damaskios
of no use in the daily life? uses the Babylonian divine names like B los (Mar-
30 E.g. F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl, in Die Religion in duk), see Edzard, Wörterbuch der Mythologie, 123.
Geschichte und Gegenwart, 3rd ed. (Tübingen 1957), 32 See e.g. the Artemidoros/Minnanaios mentioned
vol. 1, 815; cited also by D.O. Edzard, in H.W. Haus- below sub 2.7 at fn. 52.
sig (ed.), Wörterbuch der Mythologie 1/I (Stuttgart
189
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
this context is the fact that there were to a Greek woman.35 But these phenom-
persons at all who bore beside there na- ena obviously were restricted in their
tive Babylonian name a Greek one too, or extent. In Babylon, the former capital,
even Babylonians with Greek personal highly esteemed by Alexander the Great,
names. As the sources prove, such people a number of Greeks presumably lived in
lived as well in Uruk as in Babylon (for neighborhoods of their own. At least this
other places this too is to postulate). Ex- is the generally held position, which
amples are attested well into the Parthian hardly can be opposed. It is the north-
period. eastern part of the city which is inter-
Best known is the situation in Uruk preted as Greek quarter where there was
were there are texts attesting families excavated a Greek theatre. According to
over some generations. Here the situation a Greek inscription there was also a
shows that this kind of Hellenization is gymnasium in Babylon.36
restricted to leading clans of the city It is impossible to get reliable infor-
which at the same time behave like true mation on the relations between the dif-
Babylonians on the one hand and are ferent population groups from the avail-
bound to the government on the other. able sources. But at least there seems to
An example already has been mentioned: be one example which speaks in favor of
Anu-uballi with the surname Kephalon.33 the interpretation that Greek people were
interested in Babylonian cults. According
to my interpretation of a fragmentary cu-
2.6. Greeks in Babylonia neiform document excavated in Seleucia
on the Tigris a Greek married couple
Of course there were Greeks living in dedicated a slave of their own to a
the Hellenistic period in Babylonia. It Babylonian sanctuary in Kutha.37 This
seems that in Uruk they lived side by may be a sign of the attractiveness of
side with the native population already in Babylonian religion and culture even in
the middle of the third century B.C.34 the second half of the third century B.C.
Above in this communication it also had Another problem arises with those
been mentioned that some of the Babylo- people bearing Greek names but called
nians presumably even had been married “Babylonians” in the Greek literature
33 Above fn. 24. In the family branch of another Anu- riologique Internationale (Paris, 8-10 juillet 1991)
"#$%%& , with the surname Nikarchos, also of the (Paris 1992), 341-347.
A!ûtu clan, the custom of double names is restricted 35 See at fn. 24.
only to his generation. See also the studies by G. Ch. 36 This situation continues into the Parthian period,
Sarkisjan, “Greek Personal Names in Uruk and the see S.R. Hauser, “Babylon in arsakidischer Zeit,” in
Graeco-Babyloniaca Problem,” Acta Orientalia Hun- J. Renger (ed.), Babylon. Focus mesopotamischer
garica 22 (1974), 495-503, and “Gre#eskaja ono- Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamkeit, Mythos in
mastica v Uruke i Problema Graeco-Babyloniaca,” der Moderne. 2. Internationales Symposium der
Drevnej Vostok 2 (1976), 191-217. Meanwhile there Deutschen Orientgesellschaft, 24.-26. März 1998 in
are known some additions. For Babylon see e.g. a Berlin (Saarbrücken 1999), 207-239. See also E.
certain Aristeas/Ardi-beltaios: BRM 4, 58. Further Schmidt, “Die Griechen” (above fn. 17), 786-814
examples in T. Boiy, Laatachaemenidisch en hel- (passim); R.J. van der Spek, “The Theatre of Babylon
lenistisch Babylon (above fn. 24). in Cuneiform,” in W.H. van Soldt (ed.), Veenhof An-
34 See J. Oelsner, “Griechen in Babylonien und die niversary Volume. Studies presented to Klaas R.
einheimischen Tempel in hellenistischer Zeit,” in D. Veenhof on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday
Charpin and F. Joannès (eds.), La circulation des (Leiden 2001), 445-456. See also below fn. 54.
biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche- 37 Newly edited in Oelsner, “Griechen” (above fn.
Orient ancien. Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assy- 34), pp. 345s.
190
OELSNER HELLENIZATION OF THE BABYLONIAN CULTURE?
like some philosophers or astronomers, cuneiform writing on the one side and
e.g. Diogenes the Babylonian, Seleukos transliterations of the Akkadian or Sume-
the Babylonian, Teukros the Babylonian ro-Akkadian text into Greek letters on
or Zachalias the Babylonian.38 With the the other.39 Now it is beyond doubt that
exception of the last one the names are they originate in the school tradition. But
always Greek. What is known about them still there is a discussion for whom they
seems to speak in favor of a Greek edu- were made. I my eyes they were not done
cation. Generally held is the position they for Greeks learning Akkadian or Sume-
are people from Seleucia on the Tigris rian,40 but for writing Akkadian on soft
and the surname “Babylonian” means writing material, foremost leather, parch-
“coming from (the region) Babylonia” ment or papyrus scrolls.41 Regarding this
where Seleucia is situated. But is this question it seems to me that these docu-
interpretation conclusive? I see no way ments prove the introduction of new
to answer the question, but the idea must technical means to facilitate the trans-
not be excluded, the prevailing opinion is mission of written texts – including the
due to the fact that most of the modern traditional ones. If one will take the term
scholars make a supposition: Babylon “Hellenization” in an extremely wide
was deserted at the time when the per- sense this may be called a element if it.42
sons just mentioned lived. As meanwhile But the traditions transmitted this way
much more on Babylon in the Seleucid were the traditional ones and you must
and Parthian period is known, the possi- not forget, that soft writing materials
bility that they come from the city itself also were used for other languages and
more earnestly must be taken into con- scripts like the Aramaic one. That some
sideration. Babylonians who had learned Greek (be-
And finally the so-called “Graeco- ginning with Berossos, above 2.1) also
Babyloniaca.” Do they prove Helleniza- would read Greek literature and other
tion? writings by this is not excluded. Greek
As you know, there is a number of clay was anyway the official administrative
tablets – better fragments – which have language of the country.43
38 On some of them see S. Dalley, “Scholarship in merkungen zu den Astronomical Diaries,” Isimu 1
Seleucid and Parthian Babylonia,” in S. Dalley (ed.), (Madrid 1998), 167-172. To learn the Greek language
The Legacy of Mesopotamia, Oxford 1998, 45-49. and script does not require transliterations of Sume-
The informations on these people given by Greek and rian and Akkadian texts. See the following note.
Latin writers has been collected and is easily avail- 41 The problem is discussed in more detail in J.
able in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie der clas- Oelsner, “Sie ist gefallen, sie ist gefallen, Babylon
sischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 1896ss.) die große Stadt” – Vom Ende einer Kultur (=
under the corresponding headings. Sitzungsberichte der Sächsischen Akademie Wissen-
39 Last edition by M.J. Geller, “The Last Wedge,” ZA schaften, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 138/1,
87 (1997), 43-95. See also Geller, “Graeco-Baby- Stuttgart/Leipzig 2002), esp. pp. 14-17.
loniaca in Babylon,” in J. Renger (ed.), Babylon. Fo- 42 I don’t hesitate to compare Babylonia and the use
cus (above fn. 36), 377-383. of the Greek script for the native languages with the
40 A position recently taken into consideration for situation in Egypt where (beginning with attempts in
another time by P. Gesche, Schulunterricht in Baby- the Ptolemaic period) the traditional language was
lonien im ersten Jahrtausend v.Chr. (= AOAT 275, transliterated into Greek letters too. We call this
Münster 2001), 184s. I also would like to modify K. “(Proto-)Coptic,” and there it succeeded due to the
Kessler’s statement to combine the Greek script in historical circumstances as the language of the Chris-
the school texts and the necessity to translate official tianized population.
Greek documents of the royal administration, see K. 43 In the mind of some modern scholars there is a
Kessler, “‘In diesem Monat hörte ich’ – Einige Be- inconsistency. On the one hand they maintain that the
191