Table Of ContentContents
Notes on the Contributors vii
Pre/itce x
Abbreviutions xi
lntroduction: Globalization at Risk?
David Held and Anthonv McGrew
I
Part The Making of Globalization
1
Organized Violence in the Making (and Remaking) of
Globalization
Anthony McGreyy 15
2
Globalization as American Hegemony
G. John lkt'nbur.r 4t
3
Globalization, lmperialism and the Capitalist World System
Alex Callinicos 62
4
The Places and Spaces of the Global: An Expanded
Analytic Terrain
Suskiu Sussen 79
5
The Political Economy of Globalization
Layna Mosley 106
6
Social Constructivism Meets Globalization
Thomas Ris,;e 126
7
GlobalizationandCulturalAnalysis
John Tomlinson 148
ll
Part The Remaking of Globalization
8
Reimagining lnternational Society and Global Community
Chris Brown 1',7 t
Vi Contents
9
The Liberal Peace, Democratic Accountability, and the
Challenge of Globalization
Doyle
Michael W 190
10
Reframing Global Economic Security and Justice
Pogge
Thomus 20't
1
1 Reconstructing Global Governance: Eight lnnovations
Anrlrew'Kuper
225
12
Reframing Global Governance: Apocalypse Soon or Reform!
Held
Davkl 240
Indax
261
Notes on the Contributors
Chris Brown is a Professor in the International Relations Department at the London School
of Economics and Political Science. He has written widely on International Political
Theory/lnternational Ethics; ethics and warfare; justice and international relations; ethics,
morality and foreign policy; and human rights. His recent publications include
Understanding International Relation,s (2005), co-authored with Kirsten Ainley, The House
tltat Chuck Built: Twenty-five Yeurs of Reading Charles Beitz QA05), Reflections on the'War
on Terror' Two Years On (2004), and The ' English School' and World Society (2004).
Alex Callinicos is Professor of European Studies at King's College, London, and sits on
the editorial board of International Sociulism. His research locuses on social and political
theory (especially Marxism); philosophy; and political economy (especially of the
advanced industrial countries and southern Africa). He is the author of The Resources oJ'
Critique (2005), An Anti-Capitalist Manifesto (2003), and Against the Third Way (2001).
Michael Doyle is Harold Brown Professor of US Foreign and Security Policy and
Professor of Law and Political Science in the School of International & Public Affairs at
Columbia University. He has served as Assistant Secretary-General and Special Adviser
to United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan from 2001 to 2003, and is currently the
chair of the Academic Council of the United Nations Community. His principal areas of
publishing and teaching are international relations theory, international security, and
international organizations. His recent publications include The. Globalization of Human
Rights, which he edited with Jean-Marc Coicaud and Anne-Marie Gardner (2003) and
International Lqw and Organization: Closing the Compliance Gap, which he edited with
Edward Luck (2004).
David Held is Graham Wallas Professor of Political Science at the London School of
Economics and Political Science (LSE). Among |ris books arc: Democracy ancl the Global
Order (1995), Global Covenant (2004) and Models of Democracy (3rd edition 2006). He is
the co-author of Global Trans/brmations (1999) and GlobalizationlAnti-globalization
(2002); and editor or co-editor of Prospects for Democracy (1993), Cosmopctlitan
Democracy (1995) and Re-lmagining Polilical Community (1998).
G. John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and InternationalAffairs
at Princeton University in the Department of Politics and the Woodrow Wilson School
of Public and International Affairs. Among his numerous books, Ikenberry is the author
vilt Notes on the Contributors
of After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Rcstraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major
Wars (2001), which won the 2002 Schroeder-Jervis Award lor the best book in inter-
national history and politics. He serves on the editorial committee of World Politir:s and
he is co-editor of International Relations of the Asia Pacific.
Andrew Kuper is a managing director at Ashoka, which supports social entrepreneurs in
over 60 countries. His most recent books are Democracy Beyond Borders (2004) and
Gktbal Responsibilities: Who Must Deliver on Human Rights? (2005). FIe has also been
associate producer ol 16 movies in the Social Entrepreneurship series, capturing the
stories and strategies of the best global innovators. He serves as an independent adviser
and lecturer to corporations, government institutions, media and citizen organizations.
Prior to joining Ashoka he directed democracy promotion efforts for the Carnegie
Council in New York, and was a Fellow or Visiting Scholar at Cambridge, Columbia and
Harvard universities. Born and raised in South Africa, he now lives in Washington, DC.
Anthony McGrew is Professor of International Relations and Head of the School of Socral
Sciences at the University of Southampton. He has published widely on globalization,
global governance and global political economy including: Global TransJbrmations:
Politics, Economics and Culture (1999), GlobalizationlAntiGlobalization (2002), The Global
Transformutions Reader (2003) and Governing Globalization (2002), all with David Held.
His latest publication rs an edited volume, Globalization, Development and Human Security
(2006).
Layna Mosley is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the
University of North Carolina. Her current research projects include the effects of inter-
national capital mobility on government policy choices, the role ol'private sector actors
in global financial regulation, and the relationship between labor rights and foreign direct
investment. She is the author of Global Capital and Governmenls (2003), which
was short-listed for the European Consortium lor Po^lliatitcioanl aRle search's XII Stein Rokkan
Prize in Comparative Social Science Research, October 2004.
Thomas W. Pogge is Professor in the Political Science Department at Columbia University.
He has written extensively on political philosophy and issues of globaljustice, including
his forthcoming edited volume of essays Freedom.from Poverty as a Human Right: Who
Ow*cs What lo the Very Poor? atd World Poverty and Humon Rights: Cosmopolitan
Re sp o ns ib i lit ie s and Refo r ms (2002).
Thomas Risse is Director of the Center for Transatlantic Foreign and Security Policy at the
Department of Political and Social Sciences of the Freie Universitdt Berlin. He is the
author ol Cooperation qmong Democracies: The European Influence on U. S. Foreign Policy
(1995) and has co-edited a number of books: with Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink,
The Pon:er oJ Huntan Rights: Intcrnational l"lorms and Dome,ttic Change (1999); with Maria
Green Cowles and James Caporaso, Trans/brming Europe: Europeanization and Domestic
Change (2001); and with Walter Carlsnaes and Beth Simmons, The Handbook of
Int er nationol Re lat ions (2002).
Notes on the Contributors IX
Saskia Sassen is the Ralph Lewis Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago, and
Centennial Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics. Her books, which have
been translated into thirteen languages, include Denationalization: Territory, Authority and
Rights (2005), Digital Formations: Information Technologies and New Architectures in the
Globel Reqlm, with Robert Latham (2005); atd Global l,{etworkslLinked Cities (2002). Her
current research foci include the sociology of transnational processes, and a study of
Chicago as a global city.
John Tomlinson is Professor of Cultural Sociology and Director designate of the
Nottingham Institute of Cultural Analysis (NICA) at Nottingham Trent University. His
books include Cultural Imperialism (1991) and Globalization and Culture (1999), which
together have been translated into eight languages. He has published on issues of global-
tzation, cosmopolitanism, modernity, media and culture across a range of disciplines
from sociology, communications and cultural studies to geography, urban studies and
development studies.
Preface
This is the fourth volume in the Global Transformations series. lt attests to our almost
institutionalized intellectual collaboration which for both of us continues to remain as
instructive as it did two decades ago. The success of an edited volume depends upon the
commitment of the contributors to delivering manuscripts to tight deadlines and to
responding generously to the comments of the editors. In this case our contributors,
without exception, proved excellent c.olleagues to work alongside. We are grateful to
them. In addition, we would like to thank particularly our extrenrely patient editor at
Polity, Emma Hutchinson, who provided considerable support at various stages and
never despaired at a lengthening timetable - or at least did not communicate it to us!
Momoh Banya and Andrew Harmer (Tony's research students) provided vital research
assistance and ensured the manuscript conformed to the publisher's requirements. Finally
the copy editor made exceptionally valuable refinements to the text, while easing the book
through the production process. We are indebted to her.
David Held
Tony McGrew
Abbreviations
ASEAN Association ol South East Asian Nations
CSO civil society organization
ECSC European Coal and Steel Community
EEC European Economic Community
EU European Union
FDI loreign direct investment
FRG Federal Republic of Germany
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GDP gross domestic product
ICC International Criminal Court
ICJ International Court of Justice
IGO intergovernmental organization
IISS International Institute for Strategic Studies
IMF International Monetary Fund
INGOs international non-governmental organizations
ISO International Standards Organization
LDC less-developed country
M&As mergers and acquisitions
MNC multinationaI corporations
NAFTA North Americ,an Free Trade Agreement
NATO North Atlantic Tieaty Organization
NGOs non-governmental organizations
ODA olllcial development assistance
OECD Organization lor Economic Cooperation and Development
RTB race to the bottom
TNCs transnationul corporations
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
wTo World Trade Orga nization
lntroduction: Globalization at Risk?
David Held and Anthony McGrew
Epitaphs for globalization appear with increasing frequency. Among others, the historian
Ferguson has written recently of 'sinking globalization', Gray that 'the era of globaliza-
tion is over', Saul on 'the end of globalism'and Rosenberg that 'the age of globalization
is unexpectedly over' (Ferguson, 2005; Gray quoted in Naimi. 2002; Saul, 2005;
Rosenberg, 2005). This 'post-globalist'turn connects with a more widespread belief that
the catastrophic events of 9/11 were a turning point in modern world history (Kennedy-
Pipe and Rengger, 2006). For some, the events represent the beginnings ol a peculiar
return to 'normality'in global politics as geopolitics, violence and imperialism, following
the dashed hopes for a new internationalism irr the 1990s, reassert themselves with a
vengeance.
Since 9/11 there has been much talk of the end of globalization and the collapse ol the
liberal world order (Naimi, 2002). Certainly, measured solely in terms of flows within the
circuits of the world economy, globalization, or to be more precise economic globaliza-
tion, temporiirily stalled. Among those who wrote sceptically about globalization, the
global war on terror is interpreted as a world of heightened nationalism. the reassertion
of geopolitics, US military hegemony, the strong state and the closing of borders. For
others, such as Hoflmann, the very events of 9/1 I and the subsequent responses to it are
evidence of an enduring and pervasive 'clash of globalizations'rather than the demise of
globalism per se (Holfmann,2002). Despite the war on terror, patterns of global inter-
connectedness appear to have proven extremely resilient; global economic flows, in fact,
soon picked up and intensified.
What sense should we make of the current conjuncture ol geopolitical, economic and
cultural trends? What are its implications for our theorizing about the contemporary con-
dition? How are contemporary globalization and its consequences to be conceptualized
and understoodl ls it meaningful to talk of globalization theory or alternatively theories
of globalization? Do such theories transcend, or demand the recovery of, classical social
and international relations theory? What are the implications ol globalization for our
ethical and normative theorizing concerning the contemporary global condition? These
are among the central questions addressed by the contributions to this volume.
This book brings together specially commissioned essays, written by leading scholars,
which seek to explicate and interrogate the principal contemporary theories and narra-
tives - both explanatory and normative - of globalization. It seeks to transcend the rather
stale strictures of much ol the current globalization debate. Instead, it fbcuses upon the
theoretical controversies which are inflected in that debate: the varied disciplinary, con-
ceptual, epistemological and historical interpretations of globalization from across the
David Held and Anthony McGrew
social sciences. ln taking globalizalion seriously the chapters build a powerful riposte to
those many misguided and premature obituaries to globalization,
The Demise of Globalism? Globalization in Hard Times
Today borders and boundaries, nationalism and protectionism, localism and ethnicity
appear to define an epoch of radical de-globalization: the disintegration and demise of
globalism. Ferguson suggests that the current epoch has many similarities with the
'sinking'of the'last age of globalization'which ended in the destruction of the First World
War and the subsequent world depression (Ferguson, 2005). Saul, in similar vein, argues
that the ideology or discourse of globalism, upon which globaltzation as a 'social fact'or
social ontology depends, is rapidly receding in the face of the resurgence of nationalism,
ethnicity, religious fundamentalism and geopolitics (Saul, 2005). And Rosenberg contends
that the current conjuncture demonstrates the follies of so much globalization theory
(Rosenberg, 2005). These authors hold that, in the wake of 9/1 1, the rapidity of the return
to 'normality'and a significantly de-globalized world demonstrate the intellectual bank-
ruptcy of 'globalization' as a description, explanation and ideology of world order.
Rosenberg wryly suggests that, given this conceptual bankruptcy, the only valid conclu-
sion must surely be that "'globalization" did not even exist'(Rosenberg, 2005, p. 65).
These obituaries fbr globalization appear to validate Stiglitz's quip that 'globalization
today has been oversold'(Stigltiz, 2005, p. 229). Critics argue that it has been oversold in
at least three senses: as a description of social reality, as an explanation of social change,
and as an ideology of social progress (a political project). In all these respects, most par-
ticularly in the wake of 9/11, globalist rhetoric appears rather hollow. These contempor-
ary critiques of globalization have inherited a theoretically informed and empirically rich
scepticism from the work of-, among others, Hirst and Thompson, Hay, Rugman and
Gilpin (Hirst and Thompson, 1999; Hay,2004; Gilpin,2002: Rugman,2000). Though
their analyses diflbr in significant ways, their studies concur that contemporary global-
ization is far from historically unprecedented, that the dominant economic trends are
towards internationalization or regionalization, and that the discourse of globalization
has greater signiflcance than does the concept's descriptive or explanatory value. In effect,
they argue that globalization scholarship exaggerates its historical and theoretical signifi-
cance since the world remains principally one of discrete and competitive national states.
Furthermore, it is contended, many accounts of globalization confuse cause and effect,
that iq whether it is the phenomenon doing the work of explanation (the explanans) or
alternatively that which is the object of explanation (the explanandum) (Rosenberg, 2005).
Eliding the two, such that the social phenomenon to which globalization rel'ers become
effectively its causes, is clearly problematic. However, for critics it is not so much this inver-
sion of explanans and explanandum which undermines the intellectual coherence of much
globalist scholarship but rather a failure to recognize that globalization is essentially epiphe-
menonal.lf, as historical materialists argue, globalization is principally the consequence of
an inherent expansionary logic of capitalist societies, then it has no independent causal
powers, that is, it is clearly epiphenomenal (cf. Callinicos, chapter 3). Some therefore reject
the hasty dismissal of classical social theory and consider the 'globalization turn'as simply
lntroduction: Globalization at Risk?
the folly of so much contemporary liberal and radical social science in whrch advocacy has
displaced scepticism or'balanced social scientific reflection'(Rosenberg, 2005, p. 66). What
is principally at stake here is the explanatory purchase of the very concept of globalization
itself. This strikes at the very raison d'€tre of globalization studies since, as Rosenberg
argues, if the concept provides no convincing 'guide to the interpretation of empirical
events'it must in any meaningful sense be analytically redundant (Rosenberg, 2005, p. 1;
Hay, 2004). In short, globalization is both bad empirics and bad theory.
Qualifying such scepticism, Hay argues that there is one sense in which globalization
remains absolutely central to any account of the current human condition: as an idea or
discourse which provides social meaning by framing^ as well as legitimating, social and
political change (Hay. 2004). As an idea or discourse, globalization finds expression
almost everywhere in the rhetoric of politicians and social movements as a rationale for
social and political action (see, for example. Wolf, 2004). Within an interpretative trad-
ition, globalizalion, as the discursive construction of the social world, may be essential to
understanding the contemporary epoch. But even this is becoming increasingly problem-
atic as vociferous opposition to the project of globalism has become both more wide-
spread and socially entrenched.
Globalization, so the critics suggest, has encountered hard times. It is no longer, if it
ever was, a useful description of social reality, nor does it provide a cogent explanation of
the social forces shaping our world. Furthermore, globalism as a political and economic
project has been replaced by a new imperialism as humanity adjusts to the realities ol the
unipolar moment and the clash of cultures and religions. Thus, the world is witnessing
the demise of globalization as social ontology, explanans and social imaginary.
Embedded Globalism: Restitutio in lntegrum?
Since 9/1 l, the limits to globalization have become apparent while the political conditions
which facilitated it appeared to be rapidly dissipating. For the first time in almost a decade
the simultaneous growth of trade, capital flows and foreign investment turned signifi-
cantly negative: by 2002 world trade had fallen by a huge 4 per cent; capital flows by l9
per cent (2001) and a lurther 67 per cent (2002): and foreign direct investment collapsed
by 4l per cent in 2001 and a further 2l per cent in 2002 (BIS, 2005, 2006; WTO. 2002;
UNCTAD, 2003). This reversal of economic flows also endured for much longer than pre-
vious global economic downturns. Furthermore, this slowing of economic globalization
was accompanied by dramatic changes in the global political context evidenced in shifts
from multilateralism to unilateralism, stability to insecurity, and soft power to hard
power. For critics these shifts represented a rejection of the liberal world order, which
underwrote the second golden age of economic globalization, heralding a new period of
de-globalization. For others this was simply evidence ol a slowing of the unprecedented
intensity of economic globalization witnessed over the last two decades.
Yet, recent trends suggest that economic globalization per se has proven far more
resilient than many presumed. Despite record fhlls, it remains on almost all measures
more intensive and extensive than a decade earlier (Kearney, 2003, 2005). In terms of
trade, 2004 witnessed the strongest growth in a decade and it reached historic levels of
