Glocal Religion and Feeling at Home: Ethnography of Artistry in Finnish Orthodox Liturgy

14 Pages·2017·3.47 MB·English

religions
Article
Glocal Religion and Feeling at Home: Ethnography of
Artistry in Finnish Orthodox Liturgy
TatianaTiaynen-Qadir
FacultyofSocialSciences,UniversityofTurku,Turku20014,Finland;tatiana.tiaynen@ttaq.fi
AcademicEditors:VictorRoudometofandPeterIverKaufman
Received:19December2016;Accepted:9February2017;Published:13February2017
Abstract:Thispaperadaptsaglocalizationframeworkinatransnational,anthropologicalexploration
ofliturgyintheOrthodoxChurchofFinland(OCF).Itdrawsonlong-termethnographicfieldwork
andinterviewswithparticipantsofliturgyfromFinnish,Russian,andGreekculturalandlinguistic
backgrounds. The main argument of the paper is that generic processes of nationalization and
transnationalization are not mutually exclusive in practitioners’ experiences of liturgy in OCF,
but rather generate a glocal space that incorporates Finnish, Russian, Karelian, and Byzantine
elements. Individuals artistically engage with glocal liturgy on sensorial, cognitive, social, and
semantic levels. What is important for the participants is a therapeutic sense that comes from a
feelingof‘beingathome’,metaphorically,spiritually,andliterally. People’songoing,creativework
constitutesOrthodoxyastheirnationalandtransnationalhome.
Keywords: glocalreligion;OrthodoxChristianity;glocalization;transnationalanthropology;artistry;
liturgy;home;therapeutic
1. Introduction
MostcontemporaryOrthodoxchurchesacrosstheworldaredividedintonationalordiasporic
churches;thelatterofwhichisoftenorganizedalongsideethno-nationalandlinguisticlines. National
churchesinclude,forexample,thoseofGreeceandCyprus,wherehistoriesofentanglementbetween
Orthodoxyandnationalizationdatebacktothe19thcentury.InRussia,OrthodoxChristianityemerged
asasignifierofindividualandcollectivenationalidentityaftertheSovietcollapse[1]. Ontheother
hand,OrthodoxchurchesintheUSAaremostlydiasporicchurches,wherethisreligionfunctionsasa
‘culturalmarker’thatimpliesbelongingtoacertainnationalorethnicgroup,whetherGreek,Serbian,
orRussianversionsofOrthodoxy([2],p. 122). ThisisalsothecaseinWesternEurope,forinstance,
inSwitzerland,Denmark,Sweden,andNorway[3,4]. Thissituationledtothescholarlycategorization
ofnationalvsdiasporicOrthodoxchurchesincontemporaryresearch[2,4–6].
Suchcategorizationsareanalyticallyusefulforexaminingthesocialaspectsofreligion. Yet,they
tendtobrushasidecross-sectionalandcross-cuttingprocessesthatcannotbeeasilycapturedbythe
divisionbetweennationalanddiasporic. Inmanyways,‘religioustransnationalism’becomesevident
inhybridorminorityidentitieswithinOrthodoxdiasporas,throughtheexperiencesofmigrationin
themodernworldofnation-states([6],p. 213). TheOrthodoxChurchofFinland(OCF),forexample,
isaninterestingcase,suggestingthattheprocessesofnationalizationandtransnationalizationarenot
mutuallyexclusive,buttogetherconstituteaglocalmanifestationofOrthodoxyinFinland. Thispaper
unpacks this argument by focusing on individual experiences of liturgy in the OCF, a Eucharistic
churchserviceoftheByzantineritethathasbeencentraltoEasternChristianpracticessincethetime
oflateantiquity,andremainssotodayamongstOrthodoxpopulationsacrosstheglobe[7,8].
Ingeneral,manyapproachestoquestionsoflivedreligionareboundwithinamethodological
nationalistapproach,restrictedtoexploringphenomenawithinonenationalrealmorchurch.However,
Religions2017,8,23;doi:10.3390/rel8020023 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions
Religions2017,8,23 2of14
theauthor’sethnographicfieldworkinFinlandpaintsadifferentpicture,oftheOrthodoxChurch
asamulti-sitedspacetranscendingnationalborders. Thefindingsaregroundedinaglocalization
framework[2]andintransnationalanthropology[9–11],whichchallengesmethodologicalnationalism
andaccentuatesmulti-sitedselvesandlives. Atransnationalanthropologicalapproachhelpstoyield
newinterpretationsofpeople’snarrativesandexperiencesofliturgy.
Another, key, theoretical axis of the paper is material religion, which emphasizes the holistic
characterofmind-bodyexperiences[12,13]. Theterm‘religiousaesthetics’isemployedtoaddress
people’s’embodiedandembeddedpraxis’ofreligion,inwhichtheprocessofmakingmeaningsand
knowingisunderstoodasaholisticexperienceofthemind,aswellasofthebodilyemotionsand
experiences[14]. Religiousaestheticsenableustoseethatindividuals’experiencesof,forinstance,
liturgy, are often sensorially and corporeally felt, in addition to being consciously articulated and
apprehended. Followingapeople’sperspectiveshowsthe‘work’theydo,their‘vernacular’artistry,
whichisoftenoverlookedinacademicaccountsofinstitutionally-basedreligiosities[15].
Thepaperdrawsontheauthor’slong-termethnographicfieldworkinoneoftheparishesofthe
OCF,adynamicsiteofmulticulturalandmultilinguisticinteraction. Ethnographicinterviewswere
conductedwith22practitionersfromFinnish,Russian,andGreekbackgrounds,whoeitherregularly
oroccasionallyattendliturgicalservices. ThemainargumentpresentedhereisthatFinnishOrthodox
glocalliturgyincorporatesbothnationalizationandtransnationalization,andthuscreatesandenables
practitionersfromdifferentbackgroundstoexperienceafeelingof‘home’,bothmetaphoricallyand
literally. Individuals creatively and artistically engage with glocal liturgy on sensorial, cognitive,
andsemanticlevels.
Thepaperunfoldsasfollows. ThenextsectionprovidesabriefbackgroundtoFinnishOrthodox
Christianityfromaglocalperspective,focusingonliturgy. Thisisfollowedbyasectiondiscussingthe
theoryandmethod. Theensuingthreeempiricalsectionsdiscussindividualexperiencesofliturgy
throughsenses,thelanguage,andshiftinglens. Thepaperconcludeswithasectionthatsummarizes
thefindings,aswellasopensavenuesforfutureexploration.
2. OrthodoxChurchofFinland
Orthodoxy in Finland dates back to the eleventh century: it was indigenized in the region of
Karelia1,undertheinfluenceoftheNovgorodians,whoadoptedthisreligionfromtheByzantines
throughKievattheendofthetenthcentury([16],p. 153). Throughouthistory,OrthodoxChristianity
remainedareligionofminority,mainlyconcentratedintheeasternpartofFinland. Wherereligion
hadbeenevidentinFinlandunderthecenturies-oldSwedishrule,culturallyorinstitutionally,that
religionhadbeenLutheranism. TherehadbeensomespreadofOrthodoxChristianityintootherparts
ofthecountryinthenineteenthcenturyduetotheRussianOrthodoxChurch,whentheGrandDuchy
of Finland was part of the Russian Empire. After Finland gained independence in 1917, the OCF
becameanautonomousFinnishOrthodoxarchdioceseofthePatriarchateofConstantinoplein1923.
The histories of Finnish Orthodoxy embraced numerous people’s dislocations, resettlements, and
enforcedandvoluntarymoves,aswellastheallegedtensionsbetweenKarelianandRussianOrthodox
identities(foradetailedhistoricalaccountsofthesemovessee[16]).
ThefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywasmarkedbytheprocessofnationalizationorFinnicisation,
i.e., deliberate attempts of the OCF to disassociate Orthodoxy from its Russian heritage [16,17].
The national popularity of the OCF started to grow in the 1970s among Finnish intellectuals,
due to the ‘Romantic movement’ that appreciated the Byzantine art of icons and music, which
enhancedtheorientalandexoticimageofOrthodoxyinFinland[16,18,19]. Ingeneral,anyattentive
1 OccupyinganintermediatepositionontheRussian-Finnishborder,Kareliahashistoricallybeenanareaofwarlikeconflicts
orpeacefulinteractionsbetweenSwedenandNovgorod,theSwedishKingdomandtheRussianEmpire,Finlandandthe
SovietUnion,andthecenturies-oldcoexistenceandinterconnectednessofSlavonicandFinno-Ugriccultures.
Religions2017,8,23 3of14
observerwillbeoverwhelmedbythevisibilityofEasternOrthodoxmateriality—iconsofMary,Jesus,
or saints—throughout the country, and the intense activity surrounding them. Many Finns with
wide-rangingbeliefs,includingLutherans,keepOrthodoxiconsintheirhomes,attendicon-painting
courses,orenjoyOrthodoxchoirsinging. Thissituationisalsodueto‘goodecumenicalrelationships’
andmultipleinteractionsbetweentheOCFandtheEvangelicalLutheranChurchofFinland(ELCF),
‘thetwofolkchurches’thathavealegalstatusasnationalchurchesinthecountry([20],p. 7). Indeed,
thereishardlyanysenseofresentmentbetweenthesetwobranchesofChristianityinFinland,andin
many cases, there is a continuum for those who convert from Lutheranism to Orthodoxy, or vice
versa. Similarly,someLutheransappreciateandapplyelementsofOrthodoxy,withoutfeelingany
compulsiontojointheOCF.
Fromthe1990sonwards,theOCFstartedtoundergotheprocessoftransnationalization,mainly
duetoaninfluxofmigrantsfromEasternEuropeancountries. Theshareofforeign-bornmembers
increasedfrom3percentin1990,to11percentin2009([16],p. 166). In2015,theChurch’sofficial
membershipamountedto60,877,approximately1.1percentofthetotalpopulationinFinland[21].
However,theseofficialnumbersdonotincludethosepractitionerswhoarenotofficiallyregistered,
butsharesomeformofcommitmenttoOrthodoxy. Therearemostlikelymanyindividualsamong
Russian-speakers(presentlythelargestmigrantminorityinFinland, roughlyestimatedat78,000),
whoconsiderthemselvesOrthodox,butmaynothaveofficiallyjoinedtheOCF.Practitionersfromthis
andotherlinguisticminorities(Greek,Romanian,Ukrainian,Serbian,Tigrinya,etc)alsoattendchurch
servicesintheparishwherethefieldworkresearchwasconducted,butnotallofthemareregistered
membersoftheOCF.
AcentralcomponentoftheregularOrthodoxChurchserviceistheDivineLiturgyor,simply,
liturgy. LiturgystandsfortherecreationandcelebrationoftheKingdomofHeaven,aswellasthe
symbolicandactualrelivingofthemysteryoftheLastSupper.ThetermderivesfromtheAncientGreek
‘leitourgia’,translatedas‘publicworks’toemphasizethecommunalcharacterofthisrite([22],p.190).
Asa‘synthesisofarts’[23],liturgyhasbeena‘uniquesourceofaesthetic,intellectual,music,poetic
and visual enjoyment’ [24]. According to Orthodox theology, its ‘sorrowful joy’ manifests in the
re-enactmentofthesacrificeofJesus’sbodyandblood,butalsointhegloriousresurrectionandglad
thanking (Eucharistia), as well as the glorifying of the life-giving Trinitarian God [7,22]. Although
theologicalresearchintoliturgyhasbeensubstantial, thereislittlescholarlyunderstandingofthe
ethnographicrealitysurroundingthisserviceinthelivesofOrthodoxpractitioners([25],p. 12).
Inparticular,scantattentionhasbeenpaidtohowliturgyintheOCFembedsboththeprocesses
ofnationalizationandtransnationalization. Inthecourseofthetwentiethcentury,Finnishhasbecome
themainliturgicallanguage,aswellasthemediumofsocialinteractionintheOCF.Thetranslationof
liturgicaltextsfromChurchSlavonicintoFinnish—liturgiesbyJohnChrysostomandSt.BasiltheGreat,
thetwomostfrequentlyusedinthechurchservice—signifiesaprocessofnationalizationthrough
vernacularization. Althoughthefirsttranslationwasmadein1862inSaintPetersburg,thatcarried
outbySergeiOkulovbecamethemostcommonlyusedtranslationfrom1910([26],p.9).Composing
musicspecificallyfortheFinnishtextoftheliturgyalsodepictstheprocessofnationalization,and
wasfirstcompletedbyPeterAkimov(publishedunderP.Attinen,1936)([26],p.10).Yettheseattempts
at nationalization had in fact relied on a strong transnational component. First, there had been a
greatdealofeffortplacedonrevivingtheByzantineartoficon-paintingandtheeight-modesystem
ofchanting[27]and,thus,onestablishingadirectconnectiontotheGreekheritage. Second,inits
religiousaesthetics,FinnishOrthodoxyhasalsoretainedRussianOrthodoxelements(albeitithas
beenlessarticulatedinChurchpublicrhetoric[16]). Inparticular,theFinnishliturgicalpracticehas
continuedtofollowtheRussianOrthodoxtraditionofmulti-vocalchoirsinging. Manyhymnsand
chants composed by Russian composers (such as the famous ‘Cherubim hymn’ by G. Lvovski),
have been adopted for choir singing in the Finnish language, and continue to be sung during
liturgies(Figure1). CompositionsoftheFinnishcomposersAlekseiKrasnostovski,LeonidBashmakov,
PasiTorhamo,andTimoRuottinen,incorporatebothByzantineandSlavicinfluences[26,28]. Likewise,
Religions2017,8,23 4of14
thechurcharchitecture,churchinterior,andicons—indispensablepartsofthereligiousaestheticsof
Rtheleiglioitnus r2g01y7—, 8,v 2a3r iablyintegrateByzantine,Russian,andKarelianfeatures[19,29]. 4 of 14

FFiigguurree 11.. TThhee LLiittuurrggyy uusseedd bbyy tthhee cchhooiirr dduurriinngg sseerrvviicceess.. PPhhoottoo bbyy tthhee aauutthhoorr..
The church in which the fieldwork research was conducted is located in a major urban centre of
Thechurchinwhichthefieldworkresearchwasconductedislocatedinamajorurbancentre
the country. In its architecture and interior, including icons, this church incorporates 19th-century
ofthecountry. Initsarchitectureandinterior,includingicons,thischurchincorporates19th-century
Russian ‘academic classicism’ ([29], p. 289). The ‘western’ style of iconography within the church is
Russian‘academicclassicism’([29],p. 289). The‘western’styleoficonographywithinthechurchis
not always appreciated by scholars of art, as it diverges from the Byzantine and Old Russian art of
notalwaysappreciatedbyscholarsofart,asitdivergesfromtheByzantineandOldRussianartof
icons [19]. Yet, the fieldwork research illustrates that both old and new iconographic styles ‘speak’ to
icons[19]. Yet,thefieldworkresearchillustratesthatbotholdandnewiconographicstyles‘speak’to
individuals, and practitioners venerate icons, irrespective of their artistic and theological
individuals,andpractitionersvenerateicons,irrespectiveoftheirartisticandtheological‘correctness’.
‘correctness’. Most clubs and groups in the church are run in both Finnish and Russian languages,
MostclubsandgroupsinthechurchareruninbothFinnishandRussianlanguages,andasoneofthe
and as one of the Finnish interlocutors puts it: ‘it is great that one can hear many languages spoken’.
Finnishinterlocutorsputsit: ‘itisgreatthatonecanhearmanylanguagesspoken’. AlthoughFinnish
Although Finnish is the main language of liturgy, church services are also occasionally conducted in
isthemainlanguageofliturgy,churchservicesarealsooccasionallyconductedinChurchSlavonic,
Church Slavonic, Greek, Romanian, Serbian, and English languages. There is a multi-vocal choir and
Greek,Romanian,Serbian,andEnglishlanguages. Thereisamulti-vocalchoirandaone-vocalchoir:
a one-vocal choir: both sing a diversity of choral music during liturgies, ranging from traditional
bothsingadiversityofchoralmusicduringliturgies,rangingfromtraditional(Neo)Byzantinechant
(Neo) Byzantine chant and Russian ‘znamenny chant’, to various Finnish compositions, which may
andRussian‘znamennychant’,tovariousFinnishcompositions,whichmayalsointegratetraditional
also integrate traditional and modern Nordic music influences.
andmodernNordicmusicinfluences.
3. Theory and Methods
3. TheoryandMethods
Growing research has attempted to address the global and transnational character of Orthodox
GrowingresearchhasattemptedtoaddresstheglobalandtransnationalcharacterofOrthodox
Christianity [4,6,25]. The argument here draws on Roudometof’s account of Orthodox Christianity,
Christianity[4,6,25]. TheargumentheredrawsonRoudometof’saccountofOrthodoxChristianity,as
as historical glocalization that comprises processes of indigenization, vernacularization,
historicalglocalizationthatcomprisesprocessesofindigenization,vernacularization,nationalization,
nationalization, and transnationalization [2]. These glocalizations of Orthodoxy emerge as concrete
and transnationalization [2]. These glocalizations of Orthodoxy emerge as concrete historical
historical processes involving a fusion between religious universalism and local particularism. The
processesinvolvingafusionbetweenreligiousuniversalismandlocalparticularism. Theexpression
expression ‘transformations of a religious tradition’ in the book’s title points to the diversity of
‘transformationsofareligioustradition’inthebook’stitlepointstothediversityofmanifestations
manifestations of Orthodoxy in local contexts, in particular its different responses to nationalization
of Orthodoxy in local contexts, in particular its different responses to nationalization and
and transnationalization. Roudometof’s theorizing on glocalization is an excellent framework for
transnationalization. Roudometof’s theorizing on glocalization is an excellent framework for
understanding the historical and contemporary dynamic in the OCF.
understandingthehistoricalandcontemporarydynamicintheOCF.
The contribution of this paper is that it incorporates an anthropological perspective into the
The contribution of this paper is that it incorporates an anthropological perspective into the
sociological glocalization framework [30]. First, this paper applies transnational anthropology, which
sociologicalglocalizationframework[30]. First,thispaperappliestransnationalanthropology,which
challenges methodological nationalism and accentuates multi-sited histories, lives, and senses of
challenges methodological nationalism and accentuates multi-sited histories, lives, and senses of
belonging [9–11]. An ethnic group or a nation can no longer be viewed as being self-evidently fixed
belonging[9–11]. Anethnicgrouporanationcannolongerbeviewedasbeingself-evidentlyfixed
with a certain locality and state, as ‘the structures of feeling that constitute nationalism need to be set
withacertainlocalityandstate,as‘thestructuresoffeelingthatconstitutenationalismneedtobe
in the context of other forms of imagining communities, other means of endowing significance to
setinthecontextofotherformsofimaginingcommunities,othermeansofendowingsignificance
space in the production of location and “home”’ ([31], p. 331). In the increasingly interconnected
tospaceintheproductionoflocationand“home”’([31],p. 331). Intheincreasinglyinterconnected
global realm, many individuals share transnational subjectivities that refer to a ‘trajectory that
combines living in different places, and makes mobility a historical trajectory of one’s own, always
connecting to where one is located but simultaneously keeping oneself solidly anchored in one’s own
story and oneself’ ([11], p. 170). This anthropological perspective helps to illustrate people’s agency
in renegotiating their transnational subjectivities, where nationalization and transnationalization
may in fact be simultaneously at work.
Religions2017,8,23 5of14
globalrealm,manyindividualssharetransnationalsubjectivitiesthatrefertoa‘trajectorythatcombines
livingindifferentplaces,andmakesmobilityahistoricaltrajectoryofone’sown,alwaysconnecting
to where one is located but simultaneously keeping oneself solidly anchored in one’s own story
and oneself’ ([11], p. 170). This anthropological perspective helps to illustrate people’s agency in
renegotiatingtheirtransnationalsubjectivities,wherenationalizationandtransnationalizationmayin
factbesimultaneouslyatwork.
Second,thispaperapproachesOrthodoxyasavernacular,livedreligionthatnecessarilyentails
an experiential component, an individual’s creativity and artistry in interpretation, and a unique
engagementwithliturgy[15].Inthisrespect,itexpandsonRoudometof’sconceptof‘vernacularization’
to go beyond linguistics and into the artful and creative way in which people relate to religiosity.
Mostapproachestotheimportantquestionsoflivedreligionbuildonacognitiveapproachtoreligious
materiality(icons,music),whichstresseshowbelieversrelatetothetheologicalmeaningofanimage
or appreciate its aesthetics, in more or less theoretical terms. However, ethnographic fieldwork
offersadifferentview,namelysignificantevidenceofsensorialandcorporealexperiencesofreligious
art[13,32].
Theargumentpresentedheredrawsonthelong-termethnographicfieldworkresearch[33–35].
ThefieldworkresearchwasconductedamongstOrthodoxChristiansinFinland(2014–2016),which
includedparticipantandnon-participantobservationinachurchsetting,2aswellas22ethnographic
interviews. The church serves as the spiritual and social environment of a vibrant multicultural
communitywithintheparishinwesternFinland.Followingthepremisesoftransnationalanthropology
the purpose of approaching interlocutors was to interact and interview individuals from various
linguistic and cultural backgrounds, in order to address the multicultural dynamic of the OCF.
Thus, the ethnographic interviews were conducted with individuals of Russian, Finnish, and
Greek origins. The interviewees were mostly women aged between 26 and 69, all but two had a
universitydegree,andmostwereteachers,universitylecturers,accountants,researchers,anddoctors.
Thefindingspresentedhereshouldbeseenastheresultofthelong-termimmersioninthestudied
phenomenonandengagementwiththeinterlocutors.
4. TransnationalandNationalExperiencesofLiturgy: ‘BeingatHome’
4.1. LiturgyandSenses
What unites the interlocutors of this research is that none of them (except two women from
a Greek background), for various reasons, could be seen as ‘cradle’ Orthodox. Despite all of the
differencesbetweentheculturalandpoliticalsituationsoftheOrthodoxChurchesinFinlandand
Russia,therearesomeobviousparallelsintheirinterrelatedhistories. DuetothedecadesofSoviet
suppressionofreligion,Orthodoxywasratherpassivelypresentinpeople’slives,andwasmainly
transferred through elderly women or babushkas (grandmothers in Russian) [35,36]. In Finland,
Orthodoxy was the religion of a ‘stigmatized minority’ up to the 1970s [18] and, therefore, many
FinnishinterlocutorsalsoonlyhadpassiveexperiencesofOrthodoxy. Thistangibleexperienceof
Orthodoxyformeda‘latentreligiousaffiliation’[37]thatmanyindividualsbuiltonintheirrediscovery
ofOrthodoxspiritualityintheiradultlives. Corporealandemotionalexperiencesofliturgyhavebeen
importantintheirpursuitoftheOrthodoxpath.
This is how Maija, who was raised as a member of the (Protestant) Free Church of Finland,
recollectsherfirstexperienceofliturgyintheNewValaamMonasteryinFinland,inherearlytwenties:
IfoundOrthodoxyafterIfinishedhighschool. IwenttotheValaamMonastery,andit
wasmoreabouthowIfelt[tunneasiainFinnish]thereduringtheliturgy,andthemonks
2 Thenameandthelocationofthechurchareomittedtoenhanceanonymityoftheinterlocutors.Naturally,theirrealnames
arenotmentionedinthepaper,andcertainotherdetailshavealsobeenanonymized.
Religions2017,8,23 6of14
singing. WhenIcamehomeandwenttotheservice[attheFreeChurchofFinland],itwas
notthesame. Yes,itwasaliturgyinaparish,andalltheelementswerethere,butIwas
thinkingthatitwasnotthesameasinValaam. Theservice[inValaam]wasveryintense,
anditwasalive,andthisaffectedme. Manypeoplesaythatthereisapowerfulenergyin
theValaamMonastery... Andtherewassomethingverymovinginthaticon[theValaam
iconoftheMotherofGod]. IfeltitthatveryfirsttimeIwentthere. WhenIwasclosetothe
icon,Ifeltpeaceinside,anditstayeddeeplyinmymemories[38].
Johanna,too,recollectsthatshefeltlike‘beingathome’whenshevisitedtheValaamMonastery,
alsoinherearlytwenties. Marjacompares‘joiningthechurch’with‘cominghome’,whileMinnasays
thatshefoundher‘spiritualhome’inOrthodoxy. Theword‘home’frequentlyappearsinpeople’s
narratives,irrespectiveoftheirlinguisticbackgrounds.Therearemultiplemeaningsof‘home’,ranging
fromaplacethatonephysicallyinhabits,tovarioussubjectiveexperiencesofhome[39],andtheuse
ofthetermintheinterviewscapturesthesedifferentlevels. Shiftingexperiencesofhomemaysignify
‘movementwithintheconstitutionofhome’([40],p. 341). Varioussituatedandchangingexperiences
ofhome(s)revealthatbeingathomeisalwaysamatterof‘howonefeelsorhowonemightfailto
feel’,ratherthanamarkerofonespecificabode[40]. Uponherreturntowhatusedtobeherhome
church, Maija failed to feel that way after she faced another kind of church service. Liturgy with
flickeringcandles,icons,incense,andchoirsinging,wasexperiencedaswelcoming,andhome-like.
Inotherwomen’snarratives,thefirstencountersofOrthodoxmaterialityarealsooftenrecollected
asexperiencedonasensoryandintuitionallevel,connectingtosomethingfamiliarandseemingly
known,thatonehadbeenlongingfor.
Suchasensorialcomponentremainssignificantthroughoutyearsofparticipationintheliturgy.
Manyemphasizethatthey‘likethesmell’inthechurch,thatchoirsinging‘touchedmyverysoul’,
or that they were ‘moved to tears’; they talk of the feeling of ‘trembling’ or ‘gooses bumps’ in the
body. ThisishowthesensorialeffectsofliturgyaredescribedinthewordsofVera,aRussian-speaking
practisingpsychiatrist,inherearlythirties:
Solemnity. Sometimesthereissuchmomentinlife, somekindofbreakdown. Notlike
somekindofquarrel,butsomeseriousstress. Somebodygotsickorsomeproblems,for
instance,ataworkplace. Andthereisafeeling[oshchushchenie]oftearfulness,afeeling
thatitisbad. Andthenitisgone. Andthereisapeakofbliss. Andtearsstreamdown,
I don’t know...I don’t know how to explain it as it is well difficult to do it. Well you
know, when you say that you are extremely deeply moved. There is this very feeling
[oshchushchenie]...wellyouknow,itisactuallyoverwhelmingyou,andthereisalumpin
thethroat...Idon’tknow,itisdifficulttoexplain[41].
VeraappliestheRussianwordoshchushchenie,whichdoesnothaveanydirecttranslationinto
English.Yet,itsuseisimportant,asthistermimpliesa‘subjectiveimage’oftheworldandencompasses
thewholerangeofsensesandsensations,tangibleandemotionalexperiences,andperceptions[42].
VeraandherfamilyhavestayedindifferentplacesinFinlandandattendedchurchservicesinlocal
churches. Shementionsthat,although‘shehasbeenalwaysattractedbytheOrthodoxchurch’,shedid
not really attend church in Russia, where one’s behaviour and clothes could be easily misjudged.
Instead,shesaysthattheOCFismore‘democratic’,explainingthatshe‘foundherchurchinFinland,
notinRussia’. Thisisalsoimportanttosensorialexperiencesofliturgy,asitstandsforthecomforting
feelingofbeingathome.
However,mostoftheRussian-speakinginterlocutorsappreciatethemulti-localityofOrthodoxy.
They do not draw a particular difference between Russian and Finnish Orthodox churches, but
rathertheirOrthodoxjourneytakesplacewithintheconstitutionoftheirtransnationalhome. Anfisa,
forinstance,pointsoutthatshehasneverbeendisconnectedfromthechurch,andalwayslikedthe
music,thesmell,andtheentire‘atmosphere’duringtheliturgy. Sheusedtoattendchurchservices,
butlaterapprehendedOrthodoxywith‘awareness’whenshewasinFinland,throughherbrotherwho
Religions2017,8,23 7of14
stayedinRussiaandactedasherspiritualmentor. Yet,shenotes: ‘ItallstartedinRussia,andthefirst
EucharistIalsoreceivedinRussia.’ Onlysomewhatlater,shecametotheEasternserviceinFinland,
startedregularlyattendingliturgies,andjoinedthechoir.
The feeling of being at home is not necessarily rationally apprehended. It is often a
non-cognitive,sensorial,andembodiedconnectionthatevokesacomfortingfeelingofbeingathome.
WhenRussian-speakersorGreek-speakersparticipateintheliturgyintheOCF,theyalsoconnectto
thereligiousaestheticsofglocalliturgyinFinland;theartoficonsandmusicthatincorporateRussian
andByzantinefeatures(andoftenarenotfullyfamiliarwithinthecomplex,ambiguoushistoriesof
Religions 2017, 8, 23 7 of 14
FinnishOrthodoxy). Theyencounterthesameimagesandfamiliarmelodiesthatconnectthemwith
tthheeiirr hhoommeess,, wwhheerree tthheeyy wweerree bboorrnn.. TThhiiss iiss wwhhyy mmaannyy RRuussssiiaann--ssppeeaakkeerrss,, wwhheenn eenntteerriinngg aann OOrrtthhooddooxx
cchhuurrcchh iinn FFiinnllaanndd,, mmaayy hhaavvee aa ffeeeelliinngg ooff ‘‘vveerryy hhoommee’’,, aass EElleennaa ppuuttss iitt ((FFiigguurree2 2))..

Figure 2. Church interior (iconostasis) in the Uspenski Cathedral in Helsinki. Photo by the author.
Figure2.Churchinterior(iconostasis)intheUspenskiCathedralinHelsinki.Photobytheauthor.
During liturgies, they also face and contemplate icons of Mary, Jesus, and other saints. In their
Duringliturgies,theyalsofaceandcontemplateiconsofMary,Jesus,andothersaints. Intheir
eyes, these figures do not belong to one single national realm, but rather transcend national borders.
eyes,thesefiguresdonotbelongtoonesinglenationalrealm,butrathertranscendnationalborders.
Victoria notes that, upon her first visit to a Finnish Orthodox church, she was pleasantly surprised to
Victorianotesthat,uponherfirstvisittoaFinnishOrthodoxchurch,shewaspleasantlysurprisedto
view what seemed to be an exact image of the Virgin that she had seen at the Valaam Monastery in
viewwhatseemedtobeanexactimageoftheVirginthatshehadseenattheValaamMonasteryin
Russian Karelia3, a copy of which she had also brought with her to Finland.
RussianKarelia3,acopyofwhichshehadalsobroughtwithhertoFinland.
A similar effect of Orthodox religious aesthetics can be observed among so-called transnationals,
AsimilareffectofOrthodoxreligiousaestheticscanbeobservedamongso-calledtransnationals,
who have moved and stayed in different places due to their work. For instance, Marta, a woman of
whohavemovedandstayedindifferentplacesduetotheirwork. Forinstance,Marta,awomanof
Greek origins, is a researcher who came to Finland 10 years ago. She notes that, with age, she has
Greekorigins,isaresearcherwhocametoFinland10yearsago. Shenotesthat,withage,shehas
realized the spiritual depth of the Orthodox tradition, but participation in liturgy has also meant that
realizedthespiritualdepthoftheOrthodoxtradition,butparticipationinliturgyhasalsomeantthat
she has joined with something that she has been ‘missing, maybe part of the identity I had in Greece’.
shehasjoinedwithsomethingthatshehasbeen‘missing,maybepartoftheidentityIhadinGreece’.
Individual artistry manifests in the various sensorial ways individuals from different backgrounds
Individualartistrymanifestsinthevarioussensorialwaysindividualsfromdifferentbackgrounds
engage with the Orthodox materiality of liturgy. These engagements often generate a therapeutic
engage with the Orthodox materiality of liturgy. These engagements often generate a therapeutic
feeling of being at home, in both metaphorical and literal senses. The glocal character of Finnish
feeling of being at home, in both metaphorical and literal senses. The glocal character of Finnish
liturgy—its national and transnational religious aesthetics—enables this artistry, and this feeling
liturgy—its national and transnational religious aesthetics—enables this artistry, and this feeling
amongst people from both Finnish and non-Finnish backgrounds.
amongstpeoplefrombothFinnishandnon-Finnishbackgrounds.
4.2. Liturgy and Languages
Individual artistry also shapes the various ways in which participants experience liturgy on a
3 TheexistenceofthetwoValaamMonasteries,oneinRussiaandoneinFinland,isanotherexampleoftransnational
semOartnhtoidco lxeevnetal,n galenmde nhtso[w43 ]t.hese experiences change over a period of years. As mentioned above,
although the main language of the liturgy is Finnish, liturgies are also held in Church Slavonic,
Ancient Greek, Romanian, Serbian, and English. Some parts may be sung in Finnish, Swedish (the
second official language of Finland alongside Finnish), and Church Slavonic during a single liturgy.
When services are conducted in Church Slavonic, there are many Russian-speakers, including those
who come from out of town, who attend the liturgy. Some don’t understand Finnish well enough to
follow the service in Finnish, and as physiotherapist Slava expresses: ‘Of course, it is easier to follow
in Church Slavonic, and the liturgy unfolds better’. Although many understand liturgy in Finnish,
some also note that liturgy in Church Slavonic is particularly moving and, in the words of Ivan,
‘sounds smoothly’, ‘probably because this tradition is hundreds of years old’. Others simply say that
it is so ‘touching’ because it is in Russian. Similarly, Marta and Evgenija, women of Greek origins,

3 The existence of the two Valaam Monasteries, one in Russia and one in Finland, is another example of
transnational Orthodox entanglements [43].
Religions2017,8,23 8of14
4.2. LiturgyandLanguages
Individual artistry also shapes the various ways in which participants experience liturgy on
a semantic level, and how these experiences change over a period of years. As mentioned above,
although the main language of the liturgy is Finnish, liturgies are also held in Church Slavonic,
AncientGreek,Romanian,Serbian,andEnglish. SomepartsmaybesunginFinnish,Swedish(the
secondofficiallanguageofFinlandalongsideFinnish),andChurchSlavonicduringasingleliturgy.
WhenservicesareconductedinChurchSlavonic,therearemanyRussian-speakers,includingthose
whocomefromoutoftown,whoattendtheliturgy. Somedon’tunderstandFinnishwellenoughto
followtheserviceinFinnish,andasphysiotherapistSlavaexpresses: ‘Ofcourse,itiseasiertofollowin
ChurchSlavonic,andtheliturgyunfoldsbetter’. AlthoughmanyunderstandliturgyinFinnish,some
alsonotethatliturgyinChurchSlavonicisparticularlymovingand,inthewordsofIvan,‘sounds
smoothly’,‘probablybecausethistraditionishundredsofyearsold’. Otherssimplysaythatitisso
‘touching’ because it is in Russian. Similarly, Marta and Evgenija, women of Greek origins, make
effortstoattendliturgiesinGreek,whichisusuallyfollowedbyagathering,andbytalkingovercoffee
withaGreekpriestandotherGreekslivinginFinland. Thispointstothetherapeuticeffectoffeeling
athomeamongstnon-FinnishOrthodoxthroughthelanguageoftheliturgy, butalsothroughthe
broadersocialinteractionwithpeoplefromsimilarculturalbackgrounds.
Thelanguageofliturgyisnotsimplyamediumfortransmittingthemeaningofthewords,butis
irrevocablyinscribedintheholisticexperienceofliturgy,andevolvesoveryears.Forinstance,Johanna,
aFinnish-speakingwoman,hasbeensinginginachurchchoirformorethantwentyyears,andshe
pointsoutthatnotasingleliturgyhaseverbeenthesame: ithasalsovariedacrossdifferentlifestages,
andeventheseasonandweatheraffectsthewaysinwhichliturgyhasbeenexperienced. Shedescribes
that,inherearlieryearsofengagements,perfectingthesingingtechnique,enjoyingthephysicaland
emotionalsensations,andhearingoneselfintheharmonywithothers,werewhatsheenjoyedmost.
Shenotesthat,whenthesingingtechniquewasimproved,shestartedpayingmoreattentiontothe
textsofthehymnsandverses. SometextshavebeenfamiliartoJohannasinceherchildhood,during
whichtimeshewasstudyingtheBibleinherLutheranschoolclasses. Yet,thosetextscomealivewith
musicinherliturgicalexperience:
Ihaveknownsome[texts]asIwasattendingreligiousclasses,andheardwhattheBible
says. Butwhenyousingthosetextsyourself,almostthesametextsorrelatedtothesame
matter,thenintheseversesthematterstartstocomealive. Sometextshavebeentranslated
fromRussianinsuchawaythatOldFinnishwaspreserved. Sowhensomeunusualword
comes,thenyoustartthinkingofitsdeeper...Ofcourse,apersonlivesthroughdifferentlife
phases,andatsomepointIstoppedbeingstressedduringliturgy. Ididnotthinkonlyof
singing,butIstartedtolistentowhatapriesthadtosay,veryexcitingly[44].
Otherinterlocutors,too,pointoutthat,duringliturgy,hymnsandverses‘open’textsindifferent
ways. Some also underline the special power of archaic prayers, especially in Ancient Greek and
ChurchSlavonic. Forinstance,Victoria,aRussian-speakingOrthodox,mentionsthatassheimmersed
intheOrthodoxtraditionandprayers,shelearnttoappreciateChurchSlavonicmoreasa‘deeply
poetic’ and ‘metaphorical’ language, with weighty words and subtle meanings. Similarly, Marta
mentionsthatoneancientprayerinAncientGreekisespeciallypowerfulandbeautifultoher,although
when translated into English, ‘it does not make sense at all’. The prayer that Marta refers to is a
prayerthatisaddressedtotheHolyGhost‘OHeavenlyKing’,whichbeginsallprayers,andLiturgy
inparticular:
Yes,itisbeautifultoreadandmakessenseinoldGreek. ButasIwasgoingtotranslateit,
thereisnosense. Itislikethat‘You,thatyouhaveallthepowerintheworld,andletYour
Kingdombecometruealsonotinheaven,buthere,andempowerustodothegoodand
showus,ifpossible,towhichwaytofollow,andmakeuswiseandcomeandliveinsideus
asthegoodoftheeternalgoodtohelpusdothesethings. Youarethetreasureofthepoor
Religions2017,8,23 9of14
andtheGiveroflifetoeveryone. ComeandrelieveusfrommanysiC.’Somethinglikethat,
butitmakesnosense,youknow[45].4
Thus, cognitive engagement with aspects of the language of the liturgy is linked to sensorial
and embodied experiences. Some attend liturgy in archaic languages that they don’t understand,
butneverthelessfeelconnectedtothechurchservicethroughthe‘beauty’ofthelanguage. Multiple
engagements with the ancient Trisagion prayer, which includes triple recitation ‘Holy God, Holy
MightyOne,HolyImmortalOne,havemercyonus’,andissungduringliturgy,isagoodexample.
The fieldwork and interviews show that this prayer ‘reaches’ individuals through the medium of
different languages and varying music arrangements. For Minna, the Trisagion ‘reaches’ when
performedinFinnishasa‘Slavicmelody’;forMarta,whenitisinAncientGreekorChurchSlavonic
asaByzantinechant;andforPolina,itisinFinnishasaByzantinechant,adoptedforFinnishchoral
singing. Insomecases,itisnotonesingleconfigurationofthelanguageandthemusic,butitsmultiple
variations and engagement over time, that makes it work. As Victoria notices: ‘Sometimes I get
the deep meaning of a certain word when I hear and sing it in both Finnish and Church Slavonic
languagesandduringmanyservices‘. Manyinterlocutorsfindthatarchaicwordsgeneratedifferent
experiencesandmeanings. Itseemsthatarchaicwordstendtobemorepoeticanddeep,thusoffering
analternativetotheinstrumentallanguageofmodernity. Thesevariousexperiencesanddynamic
workonthelanguagesillustratepeople’screativityandartistryinparticipationduringliturgy. Words
seemtocarryandinterplaywiththe“authentic’innerlifeexperiencesofindividuals’([30], p. 50).
TheseengagementsdisclosethatthesemanticdiversityofglocalFinnishliturgyenablesthisartistry,
andallowsaconnectiontoOrthodoxyasametaphorical,spiritual,andactualhome.
4.3. ShiftingExperiencesofLiturgy
Asevident,thenatureofindividualexperiencesofliturgyisintrinsicallydynamicandshifting.
Experiences may change across one’s life span and under various life circumstances. Many
Russian-speakers who sing in the choir, for instance, point out that joining the choir helped them
betterunderstandandimmerseinliturgyintheFinnishlanguage. Minna,aFinnish-speakingsinger,
on the contrary, points out that temporary withdrawal from the choir due to her motherly duties,
positivelyaffectedherprayerconcentration,andeventuallyhelpedwhenshestartedsingingduring
liturgiesagain:
Thereareofcoursemanychurchsongs,whichopentextsinacompletelydifferentways.
ItwasalsogoodformethatIhadnotbeensinginginachurchchoirforalongtimeasI
hadtobewiththechildrenandotherstuff. Andduringthistime,myconcentrationon
prayersgraduallysomehowimproved,whenIdidn’tsinginthechoir. Especiallywhen
therearenewmelodiesandotherthings,thenonehastoconcentratemoreonthatyousing
correctly,ratherthanwhatyousing. Butwhenthemelodyiswell-known,thensinging
becomesaprayer[46].
Thisnarrativeillustratesthatliturgicalexperiencesaretightlyintertwinedwithpeople’shome
practices, and are subject to change. Natalia’s case is also an interesting example of that. Natalia
recollectsoneepisodefromherlife,thattookplacewhenshehadrecentlymovedtoFinland,andasan
artteacher,haddifficultiesinfindingajob. Shehadappliedforahighlycompetitivecourse,organized
forteacherswhohadearneddegreesinothercountries,toallowthemtoteachintheFinnishschooling
system. Bythattime,Nataliahadreceivedananswerthatshewouldbeabletoattend,onlyiftwo
otherparticipantscancelledtheirparticipation. Itwasatthatmomentinherlifethatshehappenedto
beinHelsinkiandcametotheliturgyintheUspenskiCathedral:
4 Oneofmostcommontranslationsofthisprayer,usedinLiturgyinEnglishis:OHeavenlyKing,theComforter,theSpiritof
Truth,Youareeverywhereandfillallthings,TreasuryofblessingsandGiverofLife,Comeandabideinus,cleanseusfrom
everyimpurity.Andsaveoursouls,OGoodOne.
Religions2017,8,23 10of14
I came to the big icon of Jesus Christ. The icon depicted Jesus—that icon is near the
altar—andthechildrensurroundingJesus. Iapproachedthaticonandsaid: ‘Lord,Idon’t
knowwhichpathIamtotakeinFinland,whichprofession,whattodo? You’,Iamsaying
‘helpmeandguideme. Idon’tknowwhattodo’...‘Lord,ifitismeanttobe,andyouwant
metobecome[findmyself]inFinland...IfthesocietyneedsthatIwouldbeateacher,help
mepleasefindmypath’. Andthemiraclehappened. Thatautumn,duringthefirstdaysof
September,asecretaryfromtheinstitutecalledmeandsaid: ‘Youareaccepted,comeand
study’[47].
Natalia successfully completed the course and has been working as an art teacher since,
‘surroundedbychildren’.Natalia’sstoryshowsthatexperiencesofliturgyarenecessarilyembeddedin
anindividual’severydaylife,andevolveaccordingly.Italsodisclosesbothanationalandtransnational
dynamic: sheturnstoJesus,thetranscendentalfiguredepictedintheicon,inherattemptstofindher
placeinthenewnationalrealm. Hernarrativehighlightsthegeneralobservationthateachindividual
Religions 2017, 8, 23 10 of 14
mayhaveauniqueexperienceoficonsduringliturgy,andindifferentlifesituations.
SSiimmiillaarrllyy,,I vIvanan,a, Ua kUrakirnaiianniaRnu sRsuiasns-isapne-sapkeinagkitnragn strnaantisonnaatil,ownahlo, hwahsow horakse dwaonrkdeldiv eadndin lCivaenda dian,
ECnagnlaadnad,, Eanngdlnanodw, iannFdi nnloawnd i,nt aFlkinslaabnodu, ttathlkesp aebrosount atlhsei gpneirfiscoannacle soigfnthifeicfiagnucree osfa tnhde ifciognusreosf SatnNd iiccoolnass
aonf dStM Naicryo.laFso arnhdim M,aMrya.r Fyo(ro rhiMmo, tMhearryo f(oGro Mdoatshtehre oVf iGrgoidn aiss rtehfee rVreirdgitno iisn rOefretrhroeddo txoy i)ni sOarstshoocdiaotxeyd)
wis itahss‘coocsimateicdw wisidthom ‘c’oasnmdi‘ca llw-aicscdeopmta’n caen’d,a n‘adllS-atcNceicpotlaanscwe’i,t hanindd uSltg eNnciceoalansd wkiintdhn iensds.uIlngethnecem aidnsdt
okfintdrannessns.a Itino nthael mmoidvsets ,otfh terafingsunaretioonfaSlt mNoicvoelsa, st,hken foigwunrea soft hSet pNrioctoelcatso, rkonfotwranv aesll etrhse, hparostbecetcoorm oef
etrsapveeclilaelrlsy, chlaoss ebetocoImvaen e.sApegcaiianll,yI vcalonses atyos Itvhaant. aArgeaailniz, aItviaonn soafy,sa nthdact lao sreenaeliszsattoio,nt hoefs, eanfidg ucrleossehnaevses
ctoo,m theewsei tfhigaugree.s Ihvaavne actotemned swcihthu racghe.s eIvrvanic easttwenhdesn cehvuerrcpho ssesribvliec,esw whihcehnoefvteern pporsosdibulcee, swthhiechfe oelfitnegn
opfro‘bdeuicnegs itnheR ufesesliiango roUf ‘kbreaiinnge ’info Rruhsimsia. Iotr cUankraalisnoe’b efoars hsuimm. eIdt ctahna ta,lgsiov ebne athsseuimmepdo rtthaantc, egiovfeMn athrye
aimndpoSrttNaniccoe loasf ,Maaurnyi qauneds Spta cNeiocopleanss, au punthiqrouueg shpaIvcaen o’spepnesr suopn atlhernoguagghe mIveannt’sw pitehrstohneairl iecnognasgdeumrienngt
lwitiuthrg yth. Neiro tiacbolny,s thdeufirignugr eliotufrSgtyN. iNcooltaasbilsym, tuhceh fvigenuerera toefd Sitn NFiincnoilsahs Oisr tmhoudcohx yv,eannedramteadn yinc hFuinrcnhisehs
aOrrethdoedvooxteyd, atnodt hmisansayi ncht.uBrcehloews a,rae pdheovtootgerda tpoh th(Fisig suarinet3. )Bsehlooww,s at hpehoictoognraopfhS t(FNigicuorlea s3,) fsrhaomwesd tbhye
eicloabno roaft eSflt oNrailcoalrarsa,n gfreammeendt sbcya reeflualbloyrmatae dfelobryalt waorrarengguelmarenptasr ticcairpeafnutllsyo fmliatduerg yb,ya stwyeot arneogtuhlaerr
epxaarmticpipleanoftsi nodf ilvitiudrugayl,s ’aas rytiestt raynoatnhderc reexaatmivpitlye. of individuals’ artistry and creativity.

FFiigguurree 33.. TThhee iiccoonn ooff SStt NNiiccoollaass ddeeccoorraatteedd wwiitthh fflloowweerrss.. PPhhoottoo bbyy tthhee aauutthhoorr..
Anfisa’s story (above) provides another illustration of shifting experiences of liturgy. According
Anfisa’sstory(above)providesanotherillustrationofshiftingexperiencesofliturgy. Accordingto
to her, she was raised in an ordinary Soviet family, where most family members were atheists. She
her,shewasraisedinanordinarySovietfamily,wheremostfamilymemberswereatheists. Shestarted
started attending church services as an adult, enjoying the smell of incense and the music. It took her
attendingchurchservicesasanadult,enjoyingthesmellofincenseandthemusic. Ittookherseveral
several years to receive her first Eucharist in Russia, with the help of her brother, who guided and
yearstoreceiveherfirstEucharistinRussia,withthehelpofherbrother,whoguidedandsupported
supported her. Soon, she started attending liturgies in Finland as well. The major shift in her
her. Soon,shestartedattendingliturgiesinFinlandaswell. Themajorshiftinherexperienceofliturgy
experience of liturgy is evident in an extract from the interview with Anfisa that took place half a
year after she had joined the choir in the Finnish Orthodox parish:
This is such a great blessing to be there, breath that air, be able to sing to the glory of
God. It is not possible to describe it. One has to really merely stand there and feel it. And
there is always some trembling [in the body]. And when you leave the temple, and
everything went well. And then you understand that it is not because of us, it is not our
merits, that everything went well. But everything went fine, and there were less
mistakes, and the sound was beautiful, and you feel it, and other people feel it…and
then people come and thank you. But how can you explain people: ’It is not me,
understand me. It is not me. I am the instrument’ [48].
5. Discussion
This paper has adapted Roudometof’s glocalization framework for a transnational
anthropological exploration of liturgy in the Orthodox Church of Finland. The paper has shown that
the OCF is a specific example of the entanglement of nationalization and transnationalization. It does
not readily fit in the mainstream categorization of national vs. diasporic churches; rather, its glocal