從獨裁走向民主: 解放運動的概念框架 從獨裁走向民主: 解放運動的概念框架 (From Dictatorship to Democracy ——A Conceptual Framework for Liberation)

264 Pages·2009·2.919 MB·Chinese

by  吉恩 夏普 (Gene Sharp)

001
SELF-LIBERATION
自我解放戰略規劃指南
A Guide to Strategic Planning for Action to End a Dictatorship or Other Oppression
終結獨裁政權或其他壓迫之行動
EXTENDED READING 5 延伸閱讀⑤
From Dictatorship to Democracy
從獨裁走向民主
Gene Sharp吉恩•夏普著
Jamila Raqib傑米拉•拉奎伯協助編撰
Albert Einstein Institution亞伯特愛因斯坦研究院
T. K. Aquia Tsay蔡丁貴翻譯
Albert Lin林哲夫審訂
Hong-Tiong Lyim林芳仲主編
◎ All rights reserved to the author: Gene Sharp, June 2009. Albert Einstein
Institution, P. O. Box 455, East Boston, MA 02128. Tel:[phone].
Fax:[phone]. E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.aeinstein.org
This document is not to be published or translated without written permission
of the author. Enquiries about reprinting or translating this document should be
addressed to the author at the address above.
版權為吉恩•夏普所有，出版日期2009年6月。通信住址：Albert Einstein
Institution, P. O. Box 455, East Boston, MA 02128. 電話：[phone]，傳
真：[phone]，E-mail: [email protected]，網址：www.aeinstein.org
非經取得作者之書面同意，本文件不得出版或翻譯。徵詢本文件之出版或
翻譯，請與上址連絡。
◎ Senior Scholar, Albert Einstein Institution. I am grateful for the advice of Dr.
Mary King and Robert L. Helvey, in addition to the general support of the
Board of Directors of the Albert Einstein Institution, in the preparation of this
document.
亞伯特愛因斯坦研究院資深學者。在此向瑪莉金恩博士(Dr. Mary King)及
羅伯 L. 赫爾維(Robert L. Helvey)的指導致謝，並向亞伯特愛因斯坦研究院
董事會對準備本文件的支持表示感謝。
003
自序
Preface
One of my major concerns for many years has been
how people could prevent and destroy dictatorships. This has
been nurtured in part because of a belief that human beings
should not be dominated and destroyed by such regimes.
That belief has been strengthened by readings on the
importance of human freedom, on the nature of dictatorships
(from Aristotle to analyses of totalitarianism), and histories of
dictatorships (especially the Nazi and Stalinist systems).
多年來，我主要的關心之一，就是人們如何能夠防止及摧
毀獨裁。這種關心的養成一部份是因為我有一個信念；人類不
應當被這樣的政權所統治與摧毀。閱讀了有關人類自由的重要
性、獨裁政權的本質(從亞里士多德到極權主義的分析)及獨裁
專制政權(特別是納粹與史達林體制)的歷史，都增強了我這個
信念。

Over the years I have had occasion to get to know
people who lived and suffered under Nazi rule, including
some who survived concentration camps. In Norway I met
people who had resisted fascist rule and survived, and heard
of those who perished. I talked with Jews who had escaped
the Nazi clutches and with persons who had helped to save
them.
004　自我解放戰略規劃指南︱延伸閱讀⑤
這些年來我有機會認識一些在納粹統治下生活而且受過
苦難的人，包括一些從集中營存活過來的人。在挪威，我遇到
過曾經抵抗法西斯統治而倖存的人，並且聽說過因此而喪生的
人。我與逃離納粹魔掌的猶太人以及曾經幫忙拯救他們的人交
談過。
Knowledge of the terror of Communist rule in various
countries has been learned more from books than personal
contacts. The terror of these systems appeared to me to be
especially poignant for these dictatorships were imposed in
the name of liberation from oppression and exploitation.
我對許多國家共產黨統治之恐怖的瞭解，大多來自書本
而較少來自個人的接觸。這些體制的恐怖對我來說顯得特別突
兀，因為這些獨裁政權是以解放壓迫與剝削的名義強加在人民
之上。
In more recent decades through visits of persons from
dictatorially ruled countries, such as Panama, Poland,
Chile, Tibet, and Burma, the realities of today’s dictatorships
became more real. From Tibetans who had fought against
Chinese Communist aggression, Russians who had
defeated the August 1991 hard-line coup, and Thais who
had nonviolently blocked a return to military rule, I have
gained often troubling perspectives on the insidious nature of
dictatorships.
近幾十年來，經由訪問來自獨裁統治國家，例如巴拿馬、
波蘭、智利、圖博與緬甸的人士，當今的獨裁政權的現實就變
自序　005
得更真實了。從反抗中國共產黨入侵而戰鬥的圖博人、擊退
1991年8月死硬派之政變的俄羅斯人以及以非暴力阻止軍事統治
復辟的泰國人等這些事件，時常讓我看到獨裁政權陰暗本質之
外而令人擔憂的面向。
The sense of pathos and outrage against the brutalities,
along with admiration of the calm heroism of unbelievably
brave men and women, were sometimes strengthened by
visits to places where the dangers were still great, and yet
defiance by brave people continued. These included Panama
under Noriega; Vilnius, Lithuania, under continued Soviet
repression; Tiananmen Square, Beijing, during both the
festive demonstration of freedom and while the first armored
personnel carriers entered that fateful night; and the jungle
headquarters of the democratic opposition at Manerplaw in
“liberated Burma.”
訪問過許多仍然面臨危險、而勇敢的人們還是繼續反抗
的地方，增強了我對反抗這些暴政的同情與憤恨，以及對這些
無比勇敢男女之無名英雄主義的欽佩。這些地方包括諾利耶加
(Manuel Antonio Noriega)統治下的巴拿馬、持續受蘇聯鎮壓的
立陶宛首都維爾紐斯(Vilnius)、在那段嘉年華會式慶祝自由的示
威日子及第一批裝甲車開進北京天安門廣場決定命運的當天晚
上、還有位於「緬甸解放區」馬那布羅(Manerplaw)的民主反對
運動的叢林總部。
Sometimes I visited the sites of the fallen, as the
television tower and the cemetery in Vilnius, the public park
006　自我解放戰略規劃指南︱延伸閱讀⑤
in Riga where people had been gunned down, the center
of Ferrara in northern Italy where the fascists lined up and
shot resisters, and a simple cemetery in Manerplaw filled
with bodies of men who had died much too young. It is a sad
realization that every dictatorship leaves such death and
destruction in its wake.
有時候我訪問了人們被殺害的現場，例如維爾紐斯的電視
塔與公墓、里加(Riga)的公園—人們在那裡被槍斃、義大利北部
費拉拉(Ferrara)的市中心—法西斯主義者在那裡成排槍殺抵抗份
子、還有馬那布羅的一個簡陋的墓地—那裡填滿了死得太年輕
的男子屍體。認知到每一個獨裁政權的漩渦之下都留下如此的
死亡與破壞，這是令人悲痛的現實。
Out of these concerns and experiences grew a
determined hope that prevention of tyranny might be
possible, that successful struggles against dictatorships could
be waged without mass mutual slaughters, that dictatorships
could be destroyed and new ones prevented from rising out
of the ashes.
出於這些關心與經驗，我逐漸滋長出一個堅定的希望：暴
政有可能加以預防，反對獨裁政權而不需大規模互相殺戮的抗
爭是可以成功地發動，獨裁政權是可以摧毀的，而且可以防止
新獨裁政權的死灰復燃。
I have tried to think carefully about the most effective
ways in which dictatorships could be successfully
disintegrated with the least possib1e cost in suffering and
自序　007
lives. In this I have drawn on my studies over many years of
dictatorships, resistance movements, revolutions, political
thought, governmental systems, and especially realistic
nonviolent struggle.
我曾試圖仔細思考如何以最少之苦難與生命代價而可以成
功地瓦解獨裁政權的最有效辦法。為此，我以自己多年來對獨
裁政權、抵抗運動、革命、政治思想、政府體制、以及特別是
實際可行之非暴力抗爭的研究，作為我思考的源泉。
This publication is the result. I am certain it is far from
perfect. But, perhaps, it offers some guidelines to assist
thought and planning to produce movements of liberation that
are more powerful and effective than might otherwise be the
case.
這本小冊子就是這些思考的結果。我可以確定它離完美
還遠。但是，它也許能夠提供一些指導原則，有助於思考與規
劃，以產生比原本不這麼作而更有力與更有效的解放運動。
Of necessity, and of deliberate choice, the focus of
this essay is on the generic problem of how to destroy a
dictatorship and to prevent the rise of a new one. I am not
competent to produce a detailed analysis and prescription for
a particular country. However, it is my hope that this generic
analysis maybe useful to people in, unfortunately, too many
countries who now face the realities of dictatorial rule. They
will need to examine the validity of this analysis for their
situations and the extent to which his major recommendations
008　自我解放戰略規劃指南︱延伸閱讀⑤
are, or can be made to be, applicable for their liberation
struggles.
出於需要與特意的選擇，本文著重於如何摧毀獨裁政權及
避免產生另一個新獨裁政權的一般性問題。我的能力不足以針
對某一特定國家提供一份詳細的分析與處方。不過，我希望這
個一般性的分析能夠對不幸還有太多國家目前仍然面對獨裁統
治之現實的人們有所幫忙。他們必須針對他們的情勢檢驗我這
個分析的適用性，對作者主要之建議或者能夠做成建議的分析
範圍，使之適用於他們的解放抗爭。
Nowhere in this analysis do I assume that defying
dictators will be an easy or cost-free endeavor. All forms of
struggle have complication and costs. Fighting dictators will,
of course, bring casualties. It is my hope, however, that this
analysis will spur resistance leaders to consider strategies
that may increase their effective power while reducing the
relative level of casualties.
在本文的分析裡，我完全沒有假設反抗獨裁者會是一件輕
易或者沒有代價的工作。任何形式的抗爭都有它的複雜性與代
價。跟獨裁者鬥爭當然會帶來傷亡。不過，我希望本文的分析
將促使抵抗運動的領導者、考慮能夠提高效能而同時又可以相
對減少傷亡水準的那些戰略。
Nor should this analysis be interpreted to mean that
when a specific dictatorship is ended, all other problems
will also disappear. The fall of one regime does not bring in
a utopia. Rather, it opens the way for hard work and long
自序　009
efforts to build more just social, economic, and political
relationships and the eradication of other forms of injustices
and oppression. It is my hope that this brief examination of
how a dictatorship can be disintegrated may be found useful
wherever people live under domination and desire to be free.
同樣，也不能把本文的分析解釋為當某一特定獨裁政權結
束時，所有的問題就都消失。一個政權的垮台並不會帶來烏托
邦。而只是為艱苦的工作與長期的努力打開一條出路，以建設
更有正義之社會、經濟與政治的關係，並且消滅其他各種形式
的不公不義與壓迫。我希望，這個如何瓦解獨裁政權的簡要研
究能夠對所有生活在受人宰制而又渴望自由的人們有所幫助。
Gene Sharp
吉恩夏普
6 October 1993
1993年10月6日
Albert Einstein Institution
亞伯特‧愛因斯坦研究院
Boston, Massachusetts
波士頓，麻薩諸塞州
010　
譯者序
Translator’s Preface
After a strong joint protest against the pro-China
policies of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) under Ma Ying-
jeou regime at the front gate of the Legislative Yuan (the
Parliament of Taiwan) organized by the Taiwan Association
of University Professors and many other Taiwanese civil
rights organizations held on October 25, 2008, the “Alliance
of Referendum for Taiwan, ART” was formed. At that time
the morale and spirit of Taiwanese people, both domestic
and overseas, had hit the rock bottom due to the loss of
presidential election held in March, 2008. In 2009, I was
invited to give a presentation at the Summer Conference of
Taiwanese American Association of East Chapter. I reported
to the audience of what ART had done and was planning
to do with a conclusion that “a country can only be saved
by her own people”. After the conference I traveled to other
cities in the USA and Canada to encourage more overseas
Taiwanese to care for their homeland, particularly under
such a depressing and precarious time. I was very much
encouraged by their positive responses and supports and
convinced firmly that Taiwanese Self-Salvation Movement will
prevail.
2008年10月25日台灣教授協會與本土社團，在立法院前門