Forging Ahead Toward an Inclusive and Sustainable Globalisation

208 Pages·2017·2.32 MB·English

by  Ma Sirui

Forging Ahead Toward an
Inclusive and Sustainable Globalisation:
Selected Articles from the 2017 Lien International Conference

Editors:
LIU Hong, MA Sirui, WANG Tingyan

Nanyang Centre for Public Administration
Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
Copyright © 2018 Nanyang Centre for Public Administration
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-981-11-6881-9

Nanyang Centre for Public Administration
50 Nanyang Avenue, S3.2-B4
Singapore 639798
Fax: [phone]
Email: [email protected]

Disclaimer: The information and views in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not
necessarily reflect the opinion of the Nanyang Centre for Public Administration. Neither the Centre nor
any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the
information contained therein.
Preface

It has been a great pleasure for the Nanyang Centre for Public Administration (NCPA) at
Nanyang Technological University (NTU) to organise the Lien International Conference
on Good Governance 2017 in collaboration with the American Society for Public
Administration (ASPA) and the International Institute of Administrative Sciences (IIAS).
Themed “Forging Ahead towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Globalization”, the two-
day conference explored five interrelated topics, including good governance and public
sector reform, anti-corruption strategies, sustainable and inclusive economic
development, social welfare and integration and the “Belt and Road” Initiative.
Generously sponsored by the Lien Foundation, we have been organising this biennial
international conference since 2013, and it has attracted thousands of delegates and
participants from around the world, providing a platform for academics and practitioners
to have in-depth and timely discussions on major issues and challenges in governance
and policy-making.
The Nanyang Centre for Public Administration is a leading institution in Asia that
provides public governance and administration training programmes for regional and
international organisations. It is the first higher learning institution in Singapore certified
by China’s State Administration for Foreign Experts Affairs to conduct executive
development programmes for Chinese government officials and professionals.
As a premier education, research and training institution, NCPA promotes good
governance and public services, facilitating knowledge exchanges, and strengthening
cooperation among governments across the world. NCPA offers four graduate
programmes, namely the Master of Science in Managerial Economics (Chinese), the
Master of Public Administration (English, Chinese), and the Master of Arts in
Contemporary China (English). In addition, the Executive Development Programmes
provide theme-based learning in public administration and public policy, urban planning
and management, social management, and higher education management and
internationalisation development. Among its 17,000 alumni, many are holding decision-
making positions at all levels of government in their countries, including ministerial-level
leaders, mayors and heads of organisations. Over the past two and a half decades, NCPA
has welcomed participants from all over China and other nations such as Vietnam,
Myanmar, Cambodia, the Philippines, Laos, Malaysia, Thailand, Ukraine, and the USA.
While NCPA is fully aligned with NTU’s high-quality teaching, it places equal emphasis
on its policy-oriented research and has formed strategic collaborations with world-
renowned institutions and governments in various emerging fields worldwide. Currently,
the Centre has three main thematic research programmes, namely, the Lien Research on
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Lien initiative on Good Governance, and Transnational
Knowledge Transfer and Dynamic Governance. The first programme focuses on research
relating to the BRI from the perspective of Singapore, Maritime Silkroad, and their roles
in the initiative. The second programme focuses on public administration research that
has impacts on an international and global scale, particularly through a comparative
i
perspective between Asia and other parts of the world. And the Transnational Knowledge
Transfer programme is funded under Ministry of Education (Singapore) Tier 2 grant and
led by myself as the Principle Investigator to examine the origins, rationale, process,
mechanisms and effectiveness of South-South transfer and cooperation between
Singapore-China, Singapore-Southeast Asia and China-Africa in the arenas of knowledge
transfer and industrialization strategy.
NCPA also conducts and facilitates interdisciplinary fellowship and research
programmes focusing on public administration, economic policies, environmental issues,
health care and social welfare policies, as well as economic development. It will tirelessly
continue to pursue excellence in academic and research standards as it sets the
foundation to build a world-class institution in public administration.
To showcase the output of the conference, we have hereby compiled a selection of
papers into conference proceedings. The ten papers (including both English and Chinese
papers) cover all five themes featured in the conference, and are produced by scholars at
different stages of their careers. Focusing on countries in Asia and Africa such as China,
India, Vietnam, Singapore and Nigeria, these papers are not only a timely reflection on
some of the pressing governance issues in the “Global South”, but also an attempt to draw
lessons from each other, rather than merely looking towards the West for solutions. In an
era of “power transformation … from the West to the East” – to use Joseph Nye’s words –
these endeavour appear all the more significant and thought-provoking.
In addition to the conference proceedings, we are also working with prominent
journals in the field to publish quality conference papers. With these efforts, we hope to
carry forward the wonderful discussions we enjoyed during the conference, and
stimulate more exchange on envisaging good governance for an inclusive and sustainable
globalisation. Please note that the views reflected in these papers are solely of the
respective authors’ and do not represent the views of NCPA or its funding agency.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Lien Foundation for its continued
support and to all the conference participants for their enthusiasms. My colleagues at
NCPA did a superb job in organising the Lien Conference, with Dr Celia Lee playing an
important role in the academic program execution. As Co-Editors of this collection, Dr
Wang Tingyan and Ms Ma Sirui put in great efforts throughout the liaising and editorial
process, for which I am grateful.

Professor LIU Hong
Tan Kah Kee Endowed Professor of Public Policy and Global Affairs
Director, Nanyang Centre for Public Administration and
Executive Director, Lien Ying Chow Legacy Fellowship
Chair, School of Social Sciences
Nanyang Technological University

March 13, 2018
ii
Contents

Section One: Governing for Inclusiveness
1. Fighting Corruption in Nigeria: Lessons from South Korea - 1 -
2. Governing the anti-immigrant sentiment: A Singaporean case to promote immigrant
integration - 23 -
3. A Comparative Study of Social and Economic Aspect of Migration - 47 -
4. An Empirical Study of Right to Services Act in the State of Rajasthan: Impact and
Challenge - 64 -
5. Inclusive Growth through Financial Inclusion in India - 74 -
6. 低收入家庭生活保障与贫富差距治理——新加坡的启示
A Study on Social Security Policy of Low-income Families in Singapore - 96 -

Section Two: Governing for Sustainability
7. Ethical Choice Making and Social Equity: A Pathway to Sustainable Governance? - 111 -
8. An Empirical Testing of Capital Asset Pricing Model in Vietnam Stock Market - 135 -
9. Sustainable Municipal Solid Waste Management in Context of Smart Cities: A Study of
Role of Stakeholders in Chandigarh – the City Beautiful, India - 158 -
10. “一带一路”：全球治理的中国方案
Belt and Road Initiative: Chinese Approach for Global Governance - 181 -
11. 论上海服务和参与一带一路建设的条件与对策
On the Main Tasks and Specific Measures of Shanghai Service and Participation in the
Construction of the Belt and Road Initiative - 192 -
iii
Fighting Corruption in Nigeria: Lessons from South Korea
Clement Chimezie Igbokwe
Abia State University, Nigeria
Abstract
Corruption has become endemic and institutionalised in Nigeria. It has eaten deep into the
fabric of the political, socio-economic and religious facets of the country. The war against
corruption is on course but the question agitating the mind of most Nigerians is how sincere is
this fight by successive administrations in Nigeria? In Nigeria, the Economic and Financial
Crime Commission (EFCC) an anti-corruption agency was established by the former President
Olusegun Obasonjo in 2003 to fight corruption. Unfortunately, since inception, corruption has
been on the increase as no case has been logically concluded to punish offenders. What became
manifest is the use of the Agency to witch-hunt vocal opponents of a particular administration.
According to Chinua Achebe in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria, “Keeping an average
Nigerian from being corrupt is like keeping a goat from eating yam.”
South Korea, like Nigeria had just gone through several years of military dictatorships and
former dictators turning elected presidents. It no doubt provides Nigeria with useful lessons if
the war against corruption can be won. Besides the present suspension, arrest and prosecution
of a serving President Park Geun-hye, in 1993, Kim Young-Sam the opposition leader of South
Korea used his one term opportunity to clean up corruption in South Korea. He arrested his
two predecessors, Roh Tae-woo (1988-1993) and Chun Doo-hwan (1980-1988). Roh was
sentenced to seventeen years in prison and Chun was sentenced to life in prison. Kim Young-
Sam’s anticorruption crusade did not spare his own son. In 1997, Kim Hyon Chol his son
known as the “Crown Prince” was indicted for bribery and tax evasion. He was sentenced to
three years in prison. That is what a transparent and sincere anti-corruption agenda should be.
This empirical study investigated corruption in Nigeria with a view to recommending the
necessary panaceas towards nipping corruption in the bud in the country. The study made use
of interview and questionnaires and by random sampling elicited information that informed the
conclusion in this study. Data generated were analysed using simple percentage. The Public
Choice Theory will nourish our appreciation of the causes and effects of corruption. The study
among other findings reveals that insincerity, lack of political will are some of the contributing
factors hampering the war against corruption in Nigeria. It was also identified that the crusade
has been reduced to a witch-hunt of the members of the opposition party.
- 1 -
INTRODUCTION
Whatever the argument on the nature and context of corruption are globally, the fact cannot be
overemphasised that corruption has become endemic in Nigeria. It has eaten deep into the
fabric of the political, economic and religious facets of the country. Corruption in government
and in business has constituted a serious bane to sustainable economic development in Nigeria.
Unfortunately, since the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission
(EFCC) and other anti-corruption agencies in 2003 to fight corruption, there is no end in sight
of corrupt practices. No doubt, targeted war against corruption is on course but the question
agitating the minds of most Nigerians is, how sincere has this fight against corruption by
successive administrations in Nigeria been? Presently, the Buhari’s administration with the
much orchestrated strategy of whistle-blowing towards fighting corruption still have nothing
much to be desired. Suffice to state that the fight so far wears the faces of witch-hunting,
sectionalism, prejudices partisan and nepotism. This empirical study on corruption investigated
and found out from our respondents that the above assumptions are among the problems
bedevilling the war against corruption in Nigeria and also suggested that those steering the tide
of government in Nigeria should show commitment and sincerity necessary for nipping
corruption in the board in Nigeria.
The causes of corruption in Nigeria are multiple. But it is imperative to observe that the
complexity of the phenomenon makes it impossible to provide a comprehensive account of the
causes of corruption. Corruption stems from a number of causes ranging from poverty and
complicated by underemployment conspicuous in terms of low salaries and poor working
conditions of both civil, public servants and private employees. Corruption has become
institutionalised in the Nigerian society such that everybody winks at public officials asking
for gratification before performing their duties. On Nigerian roads, police and other security
agents prefer taking bribe from motorists rather that do the normal routine stop and search.
This to a large extent shows that corruption is despicably entrenched in almost all the Nigerian
institutions and remains the most insidious and ubiquitous social quagmire hindering
development.
Volumes of literature giving attention to the question of what corruption is abounds. It is
obvious that every discourse and research articles on corruption starts with many definitions.
Here, I have chosen to operationally adopt this definition of corruption: “behaviour of public
officials which deviates from accepted norms in order to serve private ends” (Huntington,
1989). One thing is noticeable about this definition that is, its emphasis on social
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constructivism: corrupt is that which is considered corrupt at a certain place and at a certain
time. In a report by Graaf (2007) “...After all, ‘accepted norms’ change over time.”
THEORETICAL CONSTRUCT
The more we enquire about the causes and effects of corruption, the better we decide on the
best policy instruments and strategies to combating this phenomenon. Suffice to observe that
any theoretical framework adopted determines, for a large part, the direction of the proposed
solutions in tackling the problem. Instead of synthesizing on many theory groups, I decided to
look for an alternative causal theory. One such possibility is the public choice theory.
The causal chain is that of an individual making a rational decision that leads to a
predetermined outcome. Central to the public choice literature is the individual corrupt official
who attempts to maximize his or her utility. The individual is portrayed as a rationally
calculating person who decides to become corrupt when its expected advantages outweigh its
expected disadvantages (a combination of possible penalty and the chance of being caught).
This causal theory is popularized by Rose-Ackerman (1978), who posits that public officials
are corrupt for a simple reason: they perceive that the potential benefits of corruption exceed
the potential costs. Klitgaard (1988) states, if the benefits of corruption minus the probability
of being caught times its penalties are greater than the benefits of not being caught, then an
individual will rationally choose to be corrupt. This theory can be expanded when conditions
that influence the cost-benefit calculations are taken into account. For instance, trust can play
an important role. When the state cannot be trusted to manage private property transfers,
corruption might become more appealing (Gambetta, 1993). Also, trust within close personal
relationships increases the chance of getting the benefits from the delivered corrupt ‘services’
or reduces the chance of getting caught. Explanation inherent in this theory is that actions of
corrupt officials are caused by a rational, conscious and deliberate weighing process of an
individual.
Public choice theory leads to a discourse on corruption control that maximizes the costs of
corruption and minimizes the benefits. Since the benefits of corruption are much harder to
influence, most of the focus is on the costs of corruption. These costs can be increased by
improving the chances of corrupt individuals getting apprehended and the imposition of
precipitous penalties. This can easily lead to discourse on re-strategising on a more
comprehensive system of control based on sincerity, openness, surveillance, massive but
cautious information gathering, auditing, and aggressive enforcement of a wide array of
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criminal and administrative sanctions irrespective of whose ox is gored (Anechiarico and
Jacobs, 1996).
Schinkel (2004) helps us to appreciate the advantage of public choice theory as he states
that it has relatively close focus. Instead of looking for general determining factors, it
concentrates on a specific situation of a corrupt individual who calculates pros and cons. In the
case of Nigeria unlike South Korea, a corrupt official has better chances of not being caught or
even bribing his or her way out of the authority’s net following prolonged litigations whose
prosecuting members are also corrupt thirsty. However, it is pertinent to note that public choice
theory has often been criticized for its incapability to account for triggering causes within the
situation. Be that as it may, we have observed that poverty and greed are the main triggering
causes of corruption in Nigeria. When a worker cannot be paid as at when due, even the meagre
amount when paid, is unable to sustain the family; at retirement, payment of gratuities are
delayed and may never be paid until ones death; pension arrears accumulates to a staggering
amount that may never be paid. In the face of all the above, politicians amass wealth for
themselves, live flamboyantly with the public incapable of bringing them to accountability, the
individual (s) is then predisposed to embrace corruption at the slightest opportunity.
WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA: A SHAM?
To prove the insincerity of the present administration towards the fight against corruption,
in 2015, during the screening of would be cabinet members of Buhari’s administration most of
those who made the list and were finally appointed had corruption cases against them which
president Buhari turned a blind eyes on. When will Buhari’s government turn its anti-
corruption searchlight on members of the All Peoples Congress? This is the question agitating
the minds of many Nigerians. Until then, he needs to stop distracting Nigerians with the so
called anti-corruption war and focus more on the economy that is falling apart under the weight
of his ineptitude. Most of our respondents are of the view that this much orchestrated war
against corruption is a war against political opponents. This has been the nature of the war
against corruption in Nigeria since the inception of Economic and Financial Crime
Commission (EFCC). When inordinate ambitions of the high and mighty in government fail to
be accommodated, the EFCC becomes the available tool of witch-hunting in the hands of those
controlling it.
Just as usual, most of all behind the EFCC’s net presently are all former members People’s
Democratic Party. I am not a member of any political party and do not intend to become one
at the moment. This has been the nature of this game which did just begin with the Buhari’s
- 4 -
administration. But the problem is that this particular administration made most Nigerians
believe they were going to tackle corruption head on, unfortunately, it has proved itself as the
same old wine in a new wine skin.
Most of our respondents from the survey conducted in Lagos state are of the view that the
fight against corruption in Nigeria is a drama as no one leader since 1999 has shown the
political will needed towards a sincere prosecution of this war. An anonymous respondent is
of the view that since the inception of the present administration in May of 2015, they have
gradually reneged on all their promises to Nigerians and have used the anti-corruption crusade
as a way of distracting Nigerians from the serious economic and security problems that the
country is facing. Fighting corruption is a noble and courageous act in a country like Nigeria
which can only be prosecuted by a courageous, firm and strong leadership. Unfortunately, none
of the leaders so far has proven to posses these qualities.
Most Nigerians were fed up with the impunity charactering the Peoples Democratic Party
(PDP) led government beginning with Olusegun Obasanjo to Goodluck Jonathan’s
administrations and went out to vote for an opposition party. They believed Buhari would clean
up the system; I cannot be more sceptical now than I was then that he has not the will power to
fight corruption. It is obvious, that one has to first remove the speck in his or her eyes to able
to see clearly the beam on another. It is also deceptive to think oneself as an anticorruption
fighter when major benefactors turned cabinet members of the current administration are
among the most corrupt Nigerians. By appointing them and continuous insistent on confirming
the appointment Ibrahim Magu as the EFCC boss irrespective of his disqualification and
rejection by the parliament due to the corruption case hanging on his neck is a clear indication
that the fight against corruption in Nigeria is a drama.
Two years and seven months since the present administration assumed the leadership of this
Nation, no member of the All Progressive Congress (APC) has been arrested or prosecuted.
Yet, a substantial number of the members of the ruling APC were formerly members of PDP
who enriched themselves from the government coffers during the sixteen years that PDP ruled
Nigeria.
Investigations of the activities of some loyalists of the immediate past Jonathan’s
administration are ongoing. The claim is that the past administration was characterized by
impunity and large scale corruption. No doubt that has been the case even during the military
era including the Obasanjo’s civilian administration. What has happened to the activities of
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