Fishing, Foraging and Farming in the Bolivian Amazon: On a Local Society in Transition

260 Pages·2010·4.94 MB·English

by  Lisa Ringhofer (auth.)

Fishing, Foraging and Farming
in the Bolivian Amazon
Lisa Ringhofer
Fishing, Foraging
and Farming in the
Bolivian Amazon
On a Local Society in Transition
Lisa Ringhofer
IFF, Institute of Social Ecology
Schottenfeldgasse 29
1070 Vienna
Austria
[email protected]
ISBN 978-90-481-3486-1 e-ISBN 978-90-481-3487-8
DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3487-8
Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York
Library of Congress Control Number: 2009942031
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Preface
This book presents the résumé of intensive research of the past 5 years. It is an
extension of my PhD thesis, but now placed in the wider context of transition stud-
ies. Thematically, this monograph contributes the fourth local metabolic case
within the field of local transition studies and may hence be regarded as a follow-up
of the three previous local studies carried out. However, the book attempts to explore
new territories, too, I hope, by integrating the use of human time into the existing
biophysical framework.
The foundation for this book was already laid in 2001. I had just come back from
a rural development work assignment in Guatemala, an experience which evoked
my interest for more theoretical grounding on sustainability of society–nature inter-
actions. The Institute of Latin American Studies at London University proved just
the right place to be at the time. Inspired by the intellectual milieu, it was Professor
Christian Brannstrom, whose indefatigable lectures on indigenous knowledge and
strategies on sustainable resource management in the Amazon, I found most com-
pelling. What I did feel, however, was a lack of specific methods and tools provid-
ing concrete indicators on the sustainability of specific resource management
strategies; with the underlying idea of integrating these instruments into my world
of development projects. I knew then that to this end, I would have to leave the
secluded world of social sciences and start interacting more consistently with natu-
ral science approaches.
But this was not until my return to Vienna in early 2003, when I literally stum-
bled into a lecture on the social metabolism of societies held by Marina Fischer-
Kowalski, Professor at the Institute of Social Ecology in Vienna. What sounded
rather peculiar at first, did, however, provoke my interest for more. To me, the bor-
rowing of an originally biological concept made sense insofar as it shows the cru-
cial dependencies between the different biophysical resources that are exchanged
between a society and its natural environment. This I found to be particularly inter-
esting when applied to traditional societies, where dominant modes of production
are based on biotic technologies (e.g., hunting and gathering). This initial intellec-
tual fecundation and the subsequent immersion into the existing publications on
this topic led to the birth of the core of this book: an analysis of the metabolic rela-
tions of a local community in the Bolivian Amazon, a study that was encouraged
wholeheartedly by Marina Fischer-Kowalski and some other forthcoming researchers
v
vi Preface
at the Institute. For a young student setting out to explore the realities of fieldwork
for the first time, the idea of spending some time with indigenous people in the
Amazon – a place that evoked an image of unplumbed mysterious depth – was
indeed thrilling.
As I was preparing myself for my forthcoming fieldwork sojourn, one day during
an informal discussion in her office, Marina Fischer-Kowalski shared with me her
thoughts on how to integrate human time use into the existing metabolic frame-
work. She sketched her ideas on paper and gave me some useful indications on how
to proceed from there. In hindsight, my attempts to bridge these ideas with more
common classifications of time use and apply them in an empirical field situation,
were probably the most challenging, but also stimulating, parts of my entire
research project. The results of this endeavour are presented in Chapter 5 of this
monograph.
Admittedly, to some scholars this book may be a too much personally shaped
narrative. Although what I report in this book is an effort at detached description,
based on an explicit methodological framework, in appropriate places in this mono-
graph I have included my own thoughts and provided examples of real persons in
order to exemplify my point. This rather personal approach, so I believe, also eased
my guilt for reducing the ‘real’ life of a community into a set of quantitative indica-
tors. Where suitable, I have also included lengthy qualitative discussions on the
symbolic aspects that shape the interactions of the Tsimane’ with their natural
environment. I hope that some readers have appreciation for this narrative style,
finding the account enjoyable as well as informative, and in the best of worlds, both
of these at once.
Personal names used in this book are in most cases actual names and sometimes
pseudonyms. Actual names are used for persons who have given their permission
and for persons whose portrayal in the text is non-problematic. This reflects the fact
that the Tsimane’ of Campo Bello are generally pleased to have their real identities
represented to a larger world. Pseudonyms have been used in the rare cases in
which the information could be perceived or interpreted as unflattering. A final note
on naming relates to the use of language. At various text passages throughout the
monograph, the reader finds words either written in Tsimane’ or Spanish. All these
terms are written in italics (e.g., chätidye’ or chicha). Likewise, when a Tsimane’
word emerges for the first time, the reader will always find its corresponding
English translation in parentheses, e.g., chätidye’ (relative or kin). The scientific
term for flora and fauna species will also be written italicised (e.g., Swietenia
macrophylla).
Vienna, May 2009 Lisa Ringhofer
Acknowledgements
Any enterprise of this scope depends on the accumulation of knowledge of many
people in different parts of the world. While I am not able to acknowledge all those
individuals who have, knowingly or unknowingly, influenced or contributed other-
wise to the making of this book, I would still like to dedicate a special ‘thank you’
to those individuals upon whom so much of this book has depended.
First of all, since the people of Campo Bello – their homes, gardens and the
forest – constitute both the starting point and the end point of my inquiry, the
present book is not least dedicated to all of them. That I had the opportunity to
attain my research goals and find inspiration in their surroundings owed most to
their generosity and tolerance; they were good mentors and patient hosts through-
out my stay in their community. Out of sight, but close to heart and mind, my
gratitude goes particularly to the local teacher Zacarías Miro, simply known by
everyone as the profe. He and his wife Juanita provided much valuable support
and dedication throughout my stay and introduced me slowly to their world. I also
have in mind Roman Durvano and Iguiño Pache, both my patient translators and
reliable guides throughout the seemingly endless rounds of data compilation. To
the children of Campo Bello, especially Mario and Elena, I am indebted for hav-
ing guided my first steps in the forest, where I was brought closer the real mean-
ing of sobaqui. I would like to thank you for that beautiful gesture. Needless to
say, there have been several other Tsimane’ informants, whom I made encounters
with at various time and locations; each has enriched my knowledge base and
broadened my horizon.
In San Borja, I think with particular fondness of Doña Dalia and her family
who provided a nice home where I could come back to every so often. I am also
grateful to the members of the Gran Consejo Tsimane’ for having granted me a
permit to conduct research in their territory. Without the support of this native
organisation, my project would have never become reality. I also owe a great deal
of cultural guidance to Tomás Huanca and Ester Conde, who both share my inter-
est in the Tsimane’ culture and were the best of companions most of the evenings
in San Borja. I treasure memories of my conversations with both of them, which
gave way to a still lasting friendship. The municipality of San Borja and the
directorate of the Beni biosphere reserve based in San Borja also helped me over
the course of my fieldwork. The departmental research centre CIDDEBENI in
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viii Acknowledgements
Trinidad granted me access to an extensive library and provided me with impor-
tant data sources that were required for the purpose of the biophysical analysis.
My gratitude goes to all of them.
My entire research endeavour was inspired and guided by the Institute of
Social Ecology in Vienna, with my study being embedded in the Institute’s large-
scale ‘Local Transition Studies’ programme. I was welcomed to use the resources
and infrastructure of the Institute to which I am still provided generous access to.
I would particularly like to emphasise the support of my ‘doctoral mother’
Marina Fischer-Kowalski who retained a stalwart belief in my academic credibil-
ity throughout the entire course of research. I am also indebted to her for the
possibility to make my work accessible to a larger scientific community beyond
the confines of the university setting. My colleague and amigo Simron Jit Singh
deserves a special mention, as he has been my mentor in many aspects. In this
context though, I am really grateful to him for having taught me that adding a
personal touch to scientific writing by no means reduces the quality, but enriches
the reading experience. Also, he has listened with unflagging good humour to my
doubts and critical reflections on sustainability and development. Clemens
Grünbühel I would like to thank for his more indirect, but just as significant sup-
port, as his writings on the communities of SangSaeng and Nalang have inspired
my own work in many ways. Most importantly though, as he was the first
researcher to dare the descent into the depths of local-level metabolic empiricism,
the merit goes to him for being first in solving the variety of methodological chal-
lenges that were encountered in the field. As a veritable novice in the thickets of
metabolic literature at first, his compellingly detailed descriptions surely pre-
vented me from any large blunders. In contrast to the diversity of fieldwork, I saw
data analysis and writing as a lonely enterprise, which I conducted in self-absorb-
ing solitude. In this respect, I am grateful to Heinz Schandl who pulled me out of
my thoughts every so often to offer his helping hand with tricky biophysical cal-
culations. Helmut Haberl, Karlheinz Erb, Fridolin Krausmann and Willi Haas
played a more subtle yet significant role in encouraging my research endeavour.
None of these mentors are, of course, responsible for my errors or deformations
that may have occurred in the thought of those who helped my research
endeavour.
I would also like to express my warm thanks to Maria-Anna Edlbacher and
Martin Hochmeister for helping me with the graphs and illustrations. To Scott
Hayes, I am grateful for his careful proof-reading and valuable comments on
improving the language of this book. Thanks to all three of you for your timely
support. For the often invisible work and skill that transform an author’s rough
manuscript into a published book, I am grateful to Springer editors, who were sup-
portive of this project from the very beginning and who ensured that the book made
its way into print in a timely manner. Particularly I should like to thank Takeesha
Moerland-Torpey for her guidance on preparing the manuscript; her valuable com-
ments were appreciated throughout.
Finally, my gratitude goes to my family. My father’s mathematical skills and his
patience have saved me hours in despair. Thanks to my mother’s provision of culinary
Acknowledgements ix
delights during the time of writing, I was able to wholly concentrate on my study.
I wish to also thank my sister and friends for providing the mostly moral support I
somewhat needed for finishing the manuscript. None of this, however, would have
been possible without the support of my partner throughout this voyage, Andreas,
who has never lost faith in me and was relentless in his intellectual and emotional
encouragement.
Contents
1 Introduction: Setting the Stage ................................................................ 1
1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................ 1
1.2 Introducing Society, Nature and Transitions ...................................... 3
1.3 Introducing the MEFA Framework .................................................... 4
1.4 Fieldwork Among the Tsimane’ ......................................................... 6
1.5 What the Book Says ........................................................................... 11
References ................................................................................................... 14
2 Sociometabolic Transitions and the MEFA Toolkit:
Concepts and Methods ............................................................................. 17
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................ 17
2.2 Sociometabolic Sustainability Transitions ......................................... 18
2.2.1 Characterising a Sustainability Transition ............................. 18
2.2.2 Sociometabolic Regimes and Transitions:
Theoretical Considerations .................................................... 20
2.3 The MEFA Framework Toolkit .......................................................... 22
2.3.1 Social Metabolism ................................................................. 23
2.3.2 Colonization of Terrestrial Ecosystems ................................. 33
2.3.3 Functional Time Use .............................................................. 35
2.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................... 38
References ................................................................................................... 39
3 Exploring an Indigenous World in the Bolivian Amazon:
The Case of the Tsimane’ ......................................................................... 45
3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................ 45
3.2 The Tsimane’ Habitat ......................................................................... 46
3.2.1 Biogeographical Features ....................................................... 47
3.3 Landscape and Cosmos: Bridging the Natural and the Cultural ........ 49
3.3.1 Cosmic Landmarks ................................................................ 50
3.3.2 The Forest and Its Use ........................................................... 52
3.3.3 The River and Its Use ............................................................ 55
3.3.4 Farming Myths ....................................................................... 58
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