Table Of ContentDavid Bleakley
This is the first full-length study of one
of Ireland’s most controversial politicians.
As the author describes him; ‘small
in stature but larger than life, he has
become a national talking-point,
giving scope for all the subtle wit with
which the Irish affectionately malign
their politicians. He is one of the
most praised and pilloried figures of
his time.’
Faulkner is also a complex man—
one of Ireland’s unknown. We are
introduced to some of the more
unfamiliar sides of his private life—
the family links, days in Dublin,
literary intervals, the passion of the
hunt. The Faulkner of industry, of
the Orange Order and his wide range
of contacts with British and Irish
politicians is revealed. New light is
also thrown on the O’Neill/Faulkner
controversy and on personal en- S
counters with Edward Heath.
But the Faulkner biography is also
a panorama of Irish political life, rich
in people and events. Characters as
varied as lan Paisley ‘The Northern
Goliath’, and William Craig ‘one of
Ulster’s most enigmatic figures’,
appear with that ‘avuncular and
shrewd Tory giant’ William Whitelaw.
Lesser known, but equally colourful
figures are recorded for the first time.
Throughout the book the desperate
struggle for reconciliation is traced as
people and events mingle in the com-
plex and rich variety which is Irish
political life. We are reminded from
the Irish context that politics is
about people as well as institutions.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
TO PHOTOGRAPHS
1 Robert J. Anderson & Co.
2 Associated Press
3 Belfast News Letter
* Belfast Telegraph
5 The Northern Whig
6 Portadown Times
* The Press Association
8 Leslie Stuart
® The Times
18 Topix
Contents
Introduction page ix
SUBJECT OF CONTROVERSY 1
AN IRISH PREPARATION 9
ORANGE AND PROTESTANT WAY Wy:
1949—ELECTION SPECIAL 35
THE POWER AND THE GLORY 45
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O’NEILL AND FAULKNER—THE CEMENTING OF
A RIVALRY 63
YEAR AT THE TOP 78
“aot hee EME TOO SUPREME oS
MOMENT OF TRUTH 107
10 ULSTER RUBICON 119
References 133
Appendix 1 Selected Speeches 135
Appendix 2 Writings 154
Appendix 3. Executive Policy 175
Appendix 4 Northern Ireland Administrations 197
Appendix 5 Key Dates 199
Index 201
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Introduction
When I was invited to write a biography of Brian Faulkner the
difficulties were obvious. The subject was still in mid-career,
with substantial question marks over his future. Indeed, he had
recently started on a new political course which was to prove
as hazardous as it was innovatory.
Given the uncertainties of North Irish politics, there was no
guarantee that he would even stay in office long enough to
complete anything like a full term (in fact, he stayed five
months), or even establish the new system of partnership
government to which he had made a personal commitment.
But on reflection, I came to recognise that what was happen-
ing to Irish politics, and, Brian Faulkner’s position, particularly
with the test of a new political system in Northern Ireland in
January 1974, was special in that his had been a central presence
throughout the Ulster crisis. For this reason an examination
of his life and times brings us to the heart of things; but he will
stand on his own account as a subject for biography. A man of
many parts, yet largely unknown, he has been weaving his way
through the labyrinth of Anglo-Irish politics for twenty-five
years. For some, he is an Irish Pheonix, supreme in survival
politics; for others, he has chameleon tendencies, insufficiently
committed; and for his followers, he symbolises the basic Ulster
Unionist position. But to all, he insists on remaining a remote
figure, given much to public comment, but not to private
revelation.
My approach to the task has been based on a considerable
period of community involvement, and, in particular, as a
Labour member of the Northern Ireland Parliament and the
new Assembly. We contested our first General Election in the
same year (1949), and during my time in the Ulster House of
Commons I was required to ‘shadow’ Faulkner from the
Labour benches in his work as Minister of Home Affairs and
Minister of Commerce. Later, as a Labour representative,
1x
INTRODUCTION
I joined his first Government as Minister of Community Rela-
tions, and in 1973 we were each elected to the Northern Ireland
Assembly. During these years we got to know each other as
Parliamentary colleagues and, though politically opposed (and
though we never rode to hounds together!), we have shared a
good many political occasions. Even so, in more than two
decades of contact it has not been easy to get to know the
essential Faulkner.
Research on Ulster’s first Chief Minister is made more
difficult by his reluctance to put pen to paper. He has kept no
diaries and apart from a few articles has done no writing for
publication. He has been, however, a prolific and careful
speech-maker, particularly in Parliament, and for those seeking
evidence of the style and content of his speeches, the Northern
Ireland Hansard provides a ready source. Many of his most
important contributions have been given at regular intervals
during his career at monthly meetings of East Down Unionists
or at Orange gatherings. Again, on all these occasions the
preparation has been careful and local editors have been well
prepared in advance.
In this respect Irish alicia are fortunate. Politics really
matter to Irish newspapers and political journalism is of a high
order. Because of this, the press of the island, with pen and
camera, have created a formidable library of politics which
repays study. Based in Northern Ireland are the ‘Belfast Tele-
graph’, ‘Belfast News-Letter’, and the ‘Irish News’, while from
the South come the ‘Irish Times, “Irish Independent’, and the
‘Irish Press’. These six provide a rich store of daily record and
comment; it is little wonder that politics in Ireland is still the
greatest national pastime. Fortunately for Faulkner, his wife
was a journalist and her professional skill has accumulated
over the years a well organised library of speeches and press
cuttings, equalled by few of his colleagues. She has kept a good
family picture album, to which she gave me generous access.
I have also been able to draw on personal sources of informa-
tion. Throughout the events related I have known most of the
chief participants and I have had the use of political diaries and
papers gathered during the period. Impressions have emerged
xX
INTRODUCTION’
which may throw new light on some of the events. Use has also
been made of official sources which are not readily available to
those outside the immediate service of a parliamentary library.
Here Northern Ireland is favoured. The Stormont library is one
of the best of its kind, with a considerable collection of historical
material, backed by an enthusiastic and skilled library staff.
But this book is in no way an ‘official’ biography; the subject
was aware that it was being written, but basically there the
matter ended.
And how long has it taken to write? In a sense the ‘writing’
has been going on for twenty-five years of public life in Northern
Ireland, as Protestant and Catholic together, we have searched
for a via media. Perhaps, indeed, it all began way back in the
early 1930s when my trade union father took me as a boy on
many a tour of political meetings held by the local establish-
ment. And always the advice was the same: ‘Son, don’t believe
a word these fellows say. They’re all the same—a cynical
bunch.’ I used to wonder what ‘cynical’ meant, but I got the
drift. Later on, I came across that more precise Irish definition
of a cynic: ‘A man who knows the price of everything and the
value of nothing.’ All.in all, they were sombre warnings.
But my own subsequent experience has tempered my judge-
ment of Irish politics. Its practitioners are no more open to the
scorn of Wilde’s dictum than any other group who pursue a
demanding calling. Certainly, what cannot be denied is that
the life of politics in Ireland is indeed exacting and no more so
than in the Northern Province. How exacting, I hope this book
will help to reveal.
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