Everyday Politics of Survival in Refugee Camps in Bang

20 Pages·2016·0.32 MB·English

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Voices of the Burmese Rohingya Refugees: Everyday Politics
of Survival in Refugee Camps in Bangladesh
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
School of International Studies, College of Law, Government and International Studies,
Universiti Utara Malaysia, 06010 Sintok, Kedah, Malaysia
ABSTRACT
Many of the displaced ethnic Rohingya minority from Myanmar living in Bangladesh for
more than two decades are as documented and undocumented refugees. Those living in two
registered refugee camps are documented refugees, located in secluded areas, maintaining
a safe distance from the locals and monitored by the appointed authority. How is life like
for the refugees at these camps? How do the young refugees envision their present and
future within the given environment? This paper examines the young Rohingya refugees’
everyday politics of survival at one of the registered refugee camps, i.e. Nayapara,
located in the Teknaf sub-district of Cox’s Bazar district of Bangladesh, in an effort to
understand their interactions with the host state local society and international agencies
within the framework of state-imposed boundaries. The paper takes people’s perspective
and the agency’s approach and frames the refugee society as a political community. The
ethnographic data for this research came from 30 respondents using qualitative methods
of in-depth interviews, group discussion and participant observation. The paper argues that
the critical voices of camp-based refugees often articulate narratives of dispossession and
marginalisation that can, in one way or another, be explained as the outcome or consequence
of their forced migration; however, notwithstanding adversity, the refugees learn to live and
find ways to make a life, within the given situation, navigating through a complex process
of contestation, negotiation, adjustment and manipulation. Some of the activities such as
taking on the role of brokers between agencies and refugees, and seasonal work outside the
camp boundary indicate refugees’ delicate negotiation with their situation and individuals’
aspirations to defy the imagined boundary of camps. This paper shows the dynamics of
contestation and collaboration within the
ARTICLE INFO camp situation and criticises encampment
Article history: as a strategy of refugee protection.
Received: 23 July 2014
Accepted: 3 August 2015
E-mail address:
[email protected] (Kazi Fahmida Farzana)
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
Keywords: Rohingya voices, boundaries, camp life, Myanmar, which has been home to an
youth perspective, Bangladesh estimated 18,378 Burmese refugees2 who
crossed the border into Bangladesh from
INTRODUCTION November 1991 to June 1992, when the
In the existing and rapidly growing literature Burmese military disregarded the general
on political refugees, refugee camps have election results and mounted military
been studied from various perspectives. operations on the Rohingyas in the Northern
Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, Arakan. The total area of the Nayapara
one of the major contributors to this field, camp is 3.234 sq km. The refugees are
asserts that a refugee camp is a “state of under the surveillance of several agencies.
exception” (1998, pp. 166-171; 2000, p. The Bangladesh government is the primary
37). The preliminary condition of such agency with sovereign authority to control
“state of exception” is a relationship that the camp. The representative of the
binds and, at the same time, abandons, the government, the Camp-in-Charge (CIC),
living being to law.1 What he meant was that takes care of the day-to-day governing
the refugee camp is created by the modern of the camp. The United Nations High
nation-state and has many hidden norms Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
and regulations that apply exclusively to, gave financial assistance and protection to
or that indiscriminately exclude, refugees; registered refugees from forced repatriation
theirs is a naked or “bare life”; it is a “form to their country of origin. Unlike other
of life” which has been depoliticised and refugee camps, where the UNHCR and
is quite different from the politicised other relief agencies have authority to
life that clearly manifests in the lives of govern the camp; here, the refugees are to
citizens. This argument suggests that, to remain under stringent restrictions within
maintain its sovereignty, the politics of the the “temporary shelter area,” surviving on
nation-state system choose to include and relief aid until voluntary repatriation takes
exclude certain forms of life; it creates the place. The real-life interplay between these
insider-outsider dichotomy and excludes three agencies—of state, international
those whose lives and being “threaten the organisation and refugees—makes this
sovereign’s jurisdiction over a particular exceptional place an interesting research
land space ... conceptually and at times site in which to focus fundamental questions
physically, from ‘the norm’” (Rajaram & such as: Does this camp offer opportunities
Grundy-Warr, 2004, p. 34). to the refugees “to explore the making and
This paper looks at the Nayapara un-making of public authority” (Turner,
refugee camp in Bangladesh, located in the 2006), or does this force the refugees to
southernmost part of the country bordering live only a “bare life” outside the boundary
2 The data is based on the Bangladesh
1 For more details on refugee camp, see government’s Quick Facts of Nayapara Refugee
Agamben,(1998), Part 3. Camp (estimated as of July 2013).
132 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)
Voices of the Burmese Rohingya Refugees
of national citizens (Agamben, 1998, 2000, METHODOLOGY
pp. 37-49)?
The data for this article came from
The article focuses on the young
ethnographic fieldwork that was conducted
Rohingya refugees’ experiences in their
as part of a large-scale research on the
day-to-day life at the camps. The rationale
Rohingya refugees’ identity perceptions
of this focus is that, despite the fact that
and exile life in the south-eastern corner
the Rohingya issues have been addressed
of Bangladesh adjacent to Myanmar over a
in a number of major studies (Yegar,
period of six months between 2009 and 2010.
1981; Yunus, 1994; Habibullah, 1995;
The refugee experiences detailed in this
Razzaq & Haque, 1995; Wong, 1996;
article were from 30 selected respondents
Karim, 2000; Rahman, 2005; Berlie, 2008;
(14 female and 16 male) who are registered
Saltsman, 2009; Bahar, 2010), none has
refugees in the UNHCR Nayapara camp
addressed the refugee’s life-politics from
located in Teknaf Upazila (sub-district)
their perspective. Moreover, reports done
of Cox’s Bazar district of Bangladesh.
by various international agencies such as the
As the lists of registered refugees were
Human Rights Watch (2000), Medecins sans
inaccessible, probability sampling was not
Frontieres (2002) and Amnesty International
possible; therefore, non-probability selection
(1997) have greatly contributed to document
techniques of sampling were utilised instead.
the deplorable living conditions of the
The respondents were all above 25 year old
Rohingyas in refugee camps, but the
because they were primarily selected for the
narrative reflects a one-sided presentation
interviews based on their recollections and
depicting the Rohingyas as helpless, passive
social memory of their past (in Myanmar)
recipients in need of food and shelter and
and present (in Bangladesh). In order to
other basic services. Such a narrative leaves
capture the refugees’ experiences and their
out one very important element, i.e. the
narratives, I used in-depth interviews, group
“other side’s” perception: how the refugees
discussion and participant observation
themselves perceive their camp life.
methods, which were then systematically
Unless this overlooked or neglected side is
analysed for key themes, patterns and
explored, our understanding of the Rohingya
contradictions. In addition, the author also
refugees’ life and its various implications
used her ethnographic dairy and photo diary
will remain incomplete. This paper analyses
that were maintained during the fieldwork.
the refugees’ everyday in-camp experience
from the younger generation’s perspective,
RECAPTURING POLITICS
viewed from their lens, on their interaction
To situate the Rohingya’s experience within
with the wider community. It explores the
a political and historical context, when the
dynamic of contestation and collaboration
Rohingya refugees first entered the borders
within a camp situation.
of Bangladesh in huge numbers (in 1977-
78), they were sheltered in temporary camps.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016) 133
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
At the time, it was intended to be a transitory maintains a very strict policy towards the
arrangement; the Bangladesh government new comers.5
treated it as an internal and exclusive The Bangladesh government has
matter, and went about establishing camps handled the refugee issue internally. The
to house the refugees. Official records host government and its agencies have
suggest that in 1978, with the largest exodus imposed and implemented a host of special
of Rohingya refugees, the Bangladesh rules, regulations and restrictions on the
government was able to repatriate all individuals living within the encampments.
the refugees back to Burma.3 During the Bangladesh considers the refugees as extra-
1991-1992 exodus, which turned out to territorial persona non grata, and hence,
be the second largest wave of Rohingya a threat to the country; therefore, they are
refugees to Bangladesh, the Bangladesh placed within restricted boundaries and
government adopted a similar approach; controlled by specially designed rules
however, this received wider international and restrictions until official measures
attention and quickly escalated into “the are taken to repatriate them. Bangladesh
Rohingya issue” because forces outside invited the UNHCR to provide humanitarian
of Bangladesh were highly critical of the assistance to the refugees but did not allow
alleged forced repatriation process, thus, the Commission to operate freely; it can
ultimately slowing, and eventually, in 2005, only operate within the authority of the
stopping, the repatriation altogether. Some Bangladesh government. The humanitarian
of these refugees have lived as registered agencies prefer easier terms so as to provide
refugees in camps since; but a vast number solutions to refugees’ basic and immediate
of other refugees remain undocumented, needs. This can be understood from a
residing in various unofficial makeshift statement by Christopher Beng Cha Lee, the
camps in Teknaf, Ukhiya, and Cox’s Bazaar then-UNHCR Representative to Bangladesh,
of Bangladesh.4 Sociopolitical conditions that “the government does not allow us to
in Myanmar’s Arakan continue to remain make arrangements for minimum standard
unfavourable to the displaced Rohingyas, houses for Rohingya refugees, education for
who have continued to illegally cross the their children, plantation in their camps and
border into Bangladesh, albeit on a much
5 See “25 Rohingya Intruders Held in Teknaf”
smaller scale, as the Bangladesh government
The Daily Star, February 1, 2007. More recent
3 For details on repatriation, see Chapter 4, (post-June 2012) inter-communal violence
Bangladesh section. in Arakan, between Buddhists and Muslims,
4 An estimated 328,500 live in Bangladesh, a has brought many more new refugees to
number of them since the early 1990s; of these Bangladesh. However, reports suggest that the
28,500 are listed as registered refugees in two Bangladesh government has tightened border
camps, Kutupalong and Nayapara, located controls and turned back refugees. For details,
between Cox’s Bazar and Teknaf (UNHCR see The Equal Rights Trust, June 02, 2012.
Annual Report, 2008).
134 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)
Voices of the Burmese Rohingya Refugees
teaching them Bangla language that they structure in which the state of exception is
speak” (Shahid, 2005, p. 4). permanently realized.” Outsiders require
It would be interesting to see if, and official permission to enter the camps. At the
how, Agamben’s concepts of “exceptional entrance, on a concrete structure (towards
space” and “bare life” can explain the the camp), is a signboard (in Bengali
context of Nayapara refugee camp in language) that informs outsiders that this
Bangladesh. In order to understand what is, “Nayapara Refugee Camp: No Access
goes on within the camp, it is necessary without Permission” and on the other side
to look at the dynamics of the individuals’ of the structure (towards the main road) is
everyday life from within. another signboard directed at the refugees:
“Attention: Refugees are not allowed to go
CAMP LIFE: outside the camp without the Exit Pass.”
YOUTHS’ PERSPECTIVE The formal security vigilance is rigorous.
This section highlights the experience of In order to get from the entrance to the
young Rohingya refugees. The first section refugees, one has to go through various
focuses on the background of the youths. checkpoints: the Border Guard Bangladesh
The subsequent section discusses the (BGB); (Bangladesh Rifles6) security post;
dynamic of contestation and collaboration in followed by the camp-in-charge’s office; and
dealing with the wider community – camp only then is an outsider given access to the
officials, local villagers and international refugees’ blocks.
agencies. This is followed by an analysis of During my ethnographic fieldwork
the means of entertainment in camp. at this camp, initially I was surprised to
discover a seeming uniformity among
Background of the Studied Rohingya Youth residents’ reported experiences. They shared
similar stories of their past and circumstances
The first impression one gets of the Rohingya
surrounding their immigration from
refugee camps is that of order and control
Arakan. Their collective memory indicates
‘from above.’ There are no erected boundary
violence, persecution, expropriations and
demarcations or fences around the Nayapara
exploitations by various authorities (state,
refugee camps to indicate the camps are
military and local neighbours). On their
within protected and restricted areas;
(current) exile lives in refugee camps in
nevertheless, state manifestation of security
Bangladesh, their stories suggest that where
boundaries such as tightly restricted access
they are, within enforced boundaries of
through gates, military and para-military
the camps, are not much better than the
checkpoints and registration of visitors at
lives they left behind. As I chatted with
front offices are indicative of a perceived
individuals at their tent homes and in tea
defined boundary of the camps. As Agamben
(2000, p. 40) observed, “[T]he camp is the 6 Until December 22, 2010, this was known as
BDR.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016) 135
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
stalls, time and again, I heard phrases such The youths at Naypara camp7 can be
as, “Maybe the situation is a little better classified into three categories. The first,
here, as the military is not coming to kill and most common, were the unemployed
us, but here our life is like birds in a cage. youths who spend their time playing cards
They do not allow us to move freely. What or chatting with their friends at tea stalls.8
future can we hold here, without work, and During the day, they were allowed to gather
education for the children?” During my in small groups; after dark, groups of five
fieldwork, I found refugee families living or six would be chased off or beaten up
in a 10 span by 10 span thatched-roof by security guards. Sitting around and
(Jupri) hut, which has a mud-floor with chatting were a common scenario among
bamboo-sheet walls and a plastic-covered young refugees, for whom there is no
bamboo-sheet roof. Some families had up to higher education beyond primary school,
12 members living in these one–room huts. and they are not allowed to leave the camp
Refugees’ narratives indicate encounters for studies or work. These restrictions have
with serious life-threatening dangers such vastly diminished their future, and they
as being killed by police firing squads, idle their time away. The second category
intimidation by camp security guards, rape of young refugees tries hard to fill their
and beating, torture by being tied with ropes, days with activities, and become involved
and many more. In this displacement, young with different kinds of work in the camp.
refugees seem to be most disadvantaged; During my fieldwork, I learned that many
without education and skills training, their of them were aware and concerned about
future is bleak. Yet, the longer I experienced their gloomy future, and were keen to pursue
life in the camp, I realised that within this
7 Myanmar (Burma) and Bangladesh are
perceived uniformity, there is heterogeneity
neighbouring states that share a 270-km long
of experiences, contentiousness, politics and international border. The source of the River
diverse interests. In the midst of accurately- Naff begins in the Arakan hills of Myanmar
on the southeastern borders and flows into the
framed difficulties of exile life within the
Bay of Bengal. It is an elongated estuary in the
camp, they seemed to have transformed
southeast of Cox's Bazar district that separates
their experiences by giving it a semblance the district from Arakan. The River Naff is 3.22
of simplified uniformity. I will explain these km wide; some parts of Arakan, especially
the mountain ‘Arakan Yoma’ are visible from
points as I go further.
Teknaf.
8 This research explores two groups of youth
refugees; those who were between 25 and 35
years old at the time of the study and those
who had crossed the border into Bangladesh
when they were very young; and the second-
generation refugees who were born in
Bangladesh camps, and were teenagers and
young adults (below 25 years old) at the time
of the study.
136 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)
Voices of the Burmese Rohingya Refugees
further education and specialised training. I religious teachers in the mosque, guards
found the third category the most interesting, for the local NGO offices, or as vegetable
and was struck by the fact that some of them sellers. The women were mostly involved in
were seasonal workers, whereby for some sewing clothes, weaving fishing nets, raising
months of the year, they go out to work, fowl (cows and goats are not allowed) and
while the other months, they stay within the selling snacks. The third category involved
camp and depend on the food rations. My jobs outside of the camp. This was the
field data on 30 selected registered refugees smallest group (six younger men), working
(14 females and 16 males) at the Nayapara as rickshaw-pullers, manual labourers
camp showed that they were involved in (shovelling and carrying soil, uploading
different occupations. slat onto trucks for the salt industry), food
Fig.1 shows at least three categories servers at hotel restaurants, fishermen,
of occupations. Those that are completely working in the dry-fish business, and cutting
dependent on the food rations form the and collecting firewood. I could not find
largest group, about 16, with more females any registered female refugees working in
(nine) than males (seven). The females were off-camp jobs, and this ould likely be due to
mostly housewives who took care of their the risks involved in the entry-exit process,
families through various efforts. The second as well as the social stigma. It should be
category—eight of 30 (five females and noted that off-camp activities were, in their
three males)—comprised small businesses context, illegal, but somehow they were able
within the camp. Men involved in small to make their way in and out without much
businesses tended to perform jobs such as difficulty.
camp committee members, school teacher,
Fig.1: Nayapara Camp refugees’ occupations (by gender)
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016) 137
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
Many of the young, unemployed children and their playmates and placed
refugees are totally dependent on food restrictions on their children’s movements.
rations, and some become depressed and However, it was not easy to maintain regular
desperate. There are many news reports and continuous monitoring when children
of young refugees becoming involved in did not have to attend school and parents
gambling, drinking, drug taking, and more.9 were themselves not equipped or qualified
They often created trouble inside the camp. to teach them at home.
In 2009, during one of my interviews with Out of desperation, one group of
the previous camp-in-charge (CIC), he young refugees is very much interested
mentioned a drug-related incident that took in government-sponsored, third country
place in Nayapara camp. Three refugees resettlement programmes; for the Bangladesh
pretended to be severely sick and were given government, this is a durable and legal
official permission to go to Cox’s Bazaar alternative to repatriating the refugees to
hospital, and an ambulance was provided Burma where, they would quickly turn
for the transport. Later, however, it was around and find ways to cross back into
found that the whole episode was a plot by Bangladesh. The programme selects refugee
the group to transfer drugs. They knew they families (comprising husband, wife and
could not pass through the three checkpoints children) as well as young unmarried male
to get to Cox’s Bazaar district had they gone refugees.10 The process is very slow, as
on their own and thus pretended to be sick so inter-governmental negotiation tends to be
that they could use official transport services a long, drawn-out process. As of 2009, only
for their illegal activities. 262 Rohingya refugees have been resettled
Understandingly, many refugees did not in various developed countries. Meanwhile,
want to associate with this group as they many accept the restricted camp life in
did not want to bring more trouble to their hopes that one day, they may be offered the
lives. Mothers kept a watchful eye on their chance to resettle in another country where
they will have legal rights and be recognised
9 It is believed that there is a strong underground
and respected as citizens.
human trafficking racket actively working
in the camps. A few cases have drawn wider The issue of resettlement creates tension
attention from the news media. For instance, within the community, where rumours are
a three-member gang was arrested at Fakirer
rife, and it is very easy for news or gossips to
Pool in Dhaka on July 8, 2004 (The Daily Star,
spread within the community. For instance,
July 09, 2004, vol. 5, No 43); they were found
with 18 Rohingyas, including eight children, in May 2011, there was unverified news
mainly young girls, four women and six men. that the Bangladesh government’s third
The victims said that they were from the Teknaf
country resettlement programme might
camps and had come to Bangladesh during the
refugee exodus in 1991-1992, and had been 10 This is a government process and only those
living here since. They were about to be taken registered camp refugees are eligible for the
to Saudi Arabia when they were found with resettlement programme. See also Palma (July
fake Bangladesh Passports. 14, 2007).
138 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)
Voices of the Burmese Rohingya Refugees
be discontinued. Those whose names said, “I know that the boat line is risky.
were on the third country resettlement list They [the broker] say that they will take us
feared it was a false hope. Some refugees to Malaysia, but we never know where we
shared their resentment and anger over the will end up. They might take us to Thailand,
selection process. As one young informant Indonesia, or even Burma. If God is kind on
said, “This (third country resettlement) is me, I will survive on this sea journey ... If
another matter of sorrow among all the I don’t take the risk now, I have to live in
ordinary Rohingyas. Especially among refugee camp my whole life!”
those of us who have better qualifications However, refugee parents do not
than others. For example, we have primary encourage their sons to choose this option
education and some basic skills training. as they do not wish to lose them; they would
Instead of selecting young, enthusiastic, rather wait for the official resettlement
qualified people from the camp, they are process that sends refugees to a third
selecting those who already have family country. Nonetheless, many young people
members in a foreign country.” Like others, do not want to wait that long in uncertainty
this refugee was alluding to allegations and secretly get their documents processed
that those who had already been resettled without discussing with their parents. Some
in a third country would send bribe-money parents are aware of their sons’ intentions,
(reportedly between BDT 100,000 to and do not try to stop them. They are inspired
200,000)11 to be paid to Bangladesh brokers by the stories of refugees’ successful cases
who work for UNHCR and knew how to where they have made it illegally to a third
manipulate the process so that the sender’s country where they can earn and send
family members would be selected. money to their families. There seemed to
Due to the uncertainties and limitations be a correlation between the Bangladesh
to the government process, some young government’s repatriation of Rohingya
refugees often sought out illegal and risky refugees to Myanmar and a coinciding
ways to get themselves to third countries. increase in the number of refugees getting
As a result, in May 2015, thousands of on the “boat line” (Lewa, 2003), signifying
Rohingya migrants landed in Malaysia, their preference for a third destination over
Thailand and Indonesia (Farzana, 2015). their homeland.
This illegal process is commonly known as In this section, we have seen how people
the “boat line” which refers to a risky sea live their lives in the refugee camps. In their
route mode of transportation. Refugees are mundane and routine lives, the refugees are
very aware of the risks and dangers to their expected to behave in a prescribed way.
lives but still do so out of desperation. One Any form of political activities, negotiation
young refugee informant who was planning on rights or attempts to influence the
to get on a “boat line” in the near future, authorities, is prohibited. Without prior
official permission, they are not allowed
11 1,200 to 2,400 USD equivalent.
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Kazi Fahmida Farzana
to gather in groups of more than five. They ungrammatical English. Language skills are
are to stay within the camp vicinity as very important to refugees to enable them
passive dwellers, and are expected to remain to communicate with the people outside
contented with their allotted food and shelter, of the camp such as the Bangladeshis and
and wait patiently for repatriation. However, foreigners. With his language ability, Faruk
within their everyday life, they also have enjoys many advantages over those who do
interactions with the wider community, not speak Bengali or English.
including camp officials, local villagers, as Faruk maintains social contact with
well as humanitarian organisations. These people outside the camp. Through this
interactions indicate that refugee life in network, in November 2010, he was offered
camp may not be as static as it appears. The a managerial position with a hotel in the
following section looks at the nature of the popular tourist destination of St Martin’s
interactions, with particular interest on the island12 for three months, for a total of
aspects of everyday life that is reproduced 5000 taka (approximately US$65). This
in the community. was not his first outside job. Every year,
from November to January, he looks for
Refugees’ Interaction with the Wider work outside of the camp. His work is
Community seasonal, available only during the winter
months, when tourists visit this beautiful,
Interaction with the Camp Authorities
exotic and rustic island, when tornadoes
Some young refugees choose to live their
are absent, and the sea is comparatively
lives quietly within the camp, but were
calm. For the hotel’s Bangladeshi owner,
enthusiastic to do something good for others.
there is comparative advantage to hiring
Many are keen to return to Myanmar if they
a Rohingya refugee as payment is far less
could be afforded equal rights to education
than a Bangladeshi’s asking rate of 10,000
and living. Some worked inside the camp,
(US$130) to 15,000 taka (US$195).
while others were able to obtain work
How is Faruk able to leave and work for
outside of the camp, which raised questions
three months outside of the camp when we
as to how they were able to negotiate with
already know that this is prohibited? This is
the authorities. The following case study
made possible by unwritten laws that coexist
illustrates their everyday life negotiations
within the official laws and other “helping
with various authorities:
hands” that work for the Camp-in-Charge
(CIC) as clerks, managers, gate-keepers, that
Faruk Kabir: Manager in a hotel
create in-trade opportunities for the refugees
outside the camp
12 This is a 7.3 km Bangladesh island, commonly
Refugee Faruk Kabir lives in Nayapara
referred to by the locals as Narikel Jinjira; it is
camp; he is 21 years old and speaks
located northeast of the Bay of Bengal, about 9
Bengali reasonably well, along with some km south of the Teknaf peninsular tip of Cox’s
Bazar district.
140 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 24 (1): 131 - 150 (2016)