Emigration from the United Kingdom to America: Lists of Passengers Arriving at U.S. Ports, Volume 7: January 1873 - June 1873

662 Pages·2008·41.77 MB·English

by  Ira A. Glazier

EMIGRATION FROM
THE UNITED KINGDOM
TO AMERICA
Lists of Passengers Arriving
at U.S. Ports
Volume 7
January 1873-June 1873
Edited by
Ira A. Glazier
United Kingdom to America, Volume 7
The Scarecrow Press, Inc.
Lanham, Maryland • Toronto • Plymouth, UK
2008
SCARECROW PRESS, INC.
Published in the United States of America
by Scarecrow Press, Inc.
A wholly owned subsidiary of
The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706
www. scarecro wpress. com
Estover Road
Plymouth PL6 7PY
United Kingdom
Copyright © 2008 by Ira A. Glazier
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Emigration from the United Kingdom to America : lists of passengers arriving at U.S.
ports / edited by Ira A. Glazier,
v. cm.
Includes indexes.
Contents: v. 1. January 1870-June 1870—v. 2. July 1870-December 1870
ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-5782-7 (v. 1 : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-8108-5782-0 (v. 1 : alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-5783-4 (v. 2 : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-8108-5783-9 (v. 2: alk. paper)
1. British Americans—Genealogy. 2. Welsh Americans—Genealogy. 3. Scottish
Americans—Genealogy. 4. Irish Americans—Genealogy. 5. Immigrants—United
States—Registers. 6. Ships—United States—Passenger lists. 7. Great Britain—
Emigration and immigration—History—19th century. 8. United States—Emigration and
immigration—History—19th century. 9. Great Britain—Genealogy. 10. United States—
Genealogy. I. Glazier, Ira A.
E184.B7E45 2006
929'.308921077471—dc22 2006048311
ISBN-13: 978-0-8108-6168-8 (v. 7 : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-8108-6168-2 (v. 7 : alk. paper)
ni
@
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of
American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of
Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
Manufactured in the United States of America.
Contents
Introduction v
Lists of Codes
Occupations xxiii
Destinations xxvii
Province (or Country) xxviii
Passenger Lists 1
Index 462
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Introduction
These volumes on "Emigration from the United Kingdom to the United
States between 1870 and 1897" start a new series, United Kingdom to
America, that will give both the historian and genealogist a database of
English, Welsh, Scottish, and Irish immigrants who arrived at the Port of
New York in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The passenger lists
reproduced in these volumes, as in earlier series on the Famine Irish, Ger-
mans, Italians, and Russians to America are arranged in chronological
order by date of arrival. Records of passengers from Great Britain and
Ireland who disembarked at New York are published in their entirety.
The database was created from the original U.S. ship manifest collec-
tion in the National Archives. Ship manifests were filed by all vessels that
entered a U.S. port in accordance with a congressional act of 1819. Some
lists may not have survived the passage of time and others are no longer
legible. These volumes, nevertheless, contain all the manifests that we
have been able to find.
Passenger Acts were designed to protect the safety of passengers dur-
ing the voyage. This meant limiting the number of passengers according
to the size of the ship and required an accurate count. The lists were deliv-
ered upon arrival at a U.S. port to the local collector of customs. Copies
were transmitted to the secretary of state and subsequently reported to
Congress. The secretary of state published quarterly and annual summa-
ries under the title of "Statement of the Number and Description of Pas-
sengers Arriving in the United States" between 1820 and 1870.
Reports were published by the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury
Department between 1867 and 1895 and then by the Bureau of Immigra-
tion. An act of 1903 transferred the Bureau of Immigration from the Trea-
sury Department to the newly created Department of Commerce and
Labor. In 1933 it was moved to the Department of Justice.1
The passenger lists make possible a detailed reconstruction of the
movement of population from sender countries to receiver countries, in
this case, from the United Kingdom to the United States. They include
information on the first and last name of each passenger, their age, sex,
occupation, nationality, residence, and putative destination. Analysis of
this information enables the researcher to identify aliens returning to the
United States, citizens who are returning to their native country, persons
transiting the United States en route to other destinations, and immigrants.
The manifests record deaths during the voyage, although information on
V
mortality is not reproduced in these volumes for lack of space. The lists
also indicate the name of the ship, the port of embarkation, and the date
of arrival in the U.S. port.
Although the manifests provide vital information about nineteenth-
century immigration, we know relatively little about their compilation.
Existing evidence suggests that the lists were first compiled by shipping
agents at the port of embarkation and contained the names of prepaid pas-
sengers. The names of the other passengers were added on board, after
which clerks copied the lists before depositing them with the U.S. customs
authorities at the port of debarkation.
U.S. immigration statistics do not report the number of border arrivals
of English, European, or Asian passengers who entered the United States
from Canada or Mexico in the nineteenth century. The United States
received a fairly large number of British and Irish passengers that landed
at Quebec and Halifax and who then headed south across the British prov-
inces into the United States to work in the textile industries of New
England. Canadian demographers have recently estimated that over one
and a half million arrivals to Canada emigrated to the United States
between 1840 and 1900 and nine hundred thousand between 1901 and 1930.2
Statistics on re-entry of aliens who returned to the United States and
then departed are also omitted. By the 1870s, transatlantic fares between
the United States and Britain were low enough and wage differentials high
enough to attract British artisans who were both seasonal and transitory
workers to make annual trips to the United States as quarrymen, stonecut-
ters and building trades workers whose movements were not recorded.
It is likely that in the first half of the nineteenth century the official
numbers of British passengers recorded as arriving in the United States
were understated and in the second half of the century overstated.
British passenger lists started with the Passenger Act of 1803. They
contained less information and were of poorer quality than U.S. lists. They
have survived only for the years after 1891. Under the Passenger Act of
1853, British lists separated English, Welsh, Scottish, and Irish passengers
according to destination, age, and sex. They gave no information about
place of birth or last residence until 1870 and did not distinguish emi-
grants from visitors or British born from foreign born until 1895. An ear-
lier act of 1836 that required the master of every ship arriving in England
from abroad to submit a list of aliens fell into disuse and was not revived
until the 1890s.
Migration Theory and Historical Background
A standard array of factors are generally invoked to explain migration:
industrialization, income and wage differentials, absence of employment
vi
opportunities, demographic pressure, etc. For neoclassical economists
migration was spontaneous and self-regulating and comparative advan-
tage was the necessary and sufficient condition. Dependency theorists
found the migration process arising from inequalities within the economic
system so that surplus labor migrated when population growth exceeded
the growth of productivity. Push-pull theorists ascribed migration to
opposing forces in the sending and receiving countries. However, recent
migration in different regions of the world has shown these theories or
models incapable of explaining the complexities of the migratory process.
More recent theories have emphasized the importance of direct
recruitment by the receiving country such as the migration of Southern
Italian and Turkish workers into Germany or North African workers into
France in the 1960s. With decision or choice models, the role of social
networks is the most important element in sustaining migratory move-
ments. With the known personal characteristics of the migrant, migrant
networks, and past migratory experience are the most relevant factors in
the choice of destination. In these models migration is generally a func-
tion of the economic advantages of the receiving society or deteriorating
conditions in the sending country.
In the nineteenth century, emigration was often based on the desire to
escape from compulsory military service, onerous taxation, high unem-
ployment, or surplus population. Britain did not have compulsory military
service, suffer from onerous tax rates, or have very high unemployment
rates. She did feel the effects of Malthusian population pressure and she
was the most highly industrialized and urbanized country in Europe.
Therefore, theories about Britain have focused on demographic and eco-
nomic aspects of emigration.
Sir Robert Giffen, a noted statistician at the Board of Trade in the
1870s and 1880s, was a serious student of British emigration. He was a
close observer of the migration balance. The balance was the difference
between emigration and immigration, or return migration, from the United
States. Giffen believed that these movements were inversely related
because they were influenced by economic conditions that had opposite
effects on emigration and immigration.
Giffen stated that emigration did not take place in times of the great-
est dullness of trade but in prosperous times that followed depression. He
observed that in years of prosperity, a considerable lending of capital
from older industrial countries to new countries helped to create employ-
ment in the new countries. And he found that the main cause of emigra-
tion was the increased demand for labor when times were good in the new
countries.
Giffen also believed that there was a law of emigration that regulated
the flow of immigrants in accordance with the state of trade and labor
vn
market conditions in the country of immigration. An increase of immigra-
tion accompanied an increase of emigration and reached its maximum
when emigration began to decline. In the following years, both immigra-
tion and emigration would decline, but the decline in emigration would
precede the decline in immigration. He concluded that the largest part of
British emigration to the United States consisted of unskilled laborers fur-
thest removed by lack of skill from the ability to work in U.S. industry. It
was the state of trade in the U.S. that determined the volume of emigration
from Britain,3 and periods of unemployment in the United States that
influenced the timing of British emigration to the United States.4
By the mid-twentieth century, Simon Kuznets had discovered "long
swings," or cyclical fluctuations in the expansion and contraction of the
international economy.5 Brinley Thomas, a Welsh economist, who has
done the most influential work on migration and economic growth, then
demonstrated the existence of the twenty-year Kuznets cycle between
annual passenger movements from Britain to the United States, and Brit-
ish overseas and domestic investment. Thomas found a close relationship
between the growth of the British and the American economies and that
emigration was the key factor in the American cycle. Fluctuations in
migration, trade, and investment alternated in Britain and the United
States. Employment in Britain declined in the 1880s but rose in the United
States. In the 1890s, the cycle inverted as British employment rose, emi-
gration declined, and the United States entered a depression.6
Table I.I and Figure I.I show cyclical peaks in emigration from the
United Kingdom in the early 1870s and late 1880s and troughs during the
mid-1870s and the mid- and late 1890s.
Thomas's work was followed in the 1960s by a decade of econometric
studies on emigration that produced disappointing results.7 The major
problem with the quantitative approach was that time-series regressions
on the relevant variables—output, employment, labor force, mobility,
national income, etc.—were done at very high levels of aggregation. For a
deeper understanding of the process of emigration, a more disaggregated
regional, local, and occupational analysis is essential. It is difficult to see
how highly aggregated wage or per capita income estimates for the entire
United States can be helpful for an emigrant looking for a small region in
which to settle. There was also a need to pay greater attention to the role
of the individual emigrant and emigrant groups who never appeared in the
econometric models. A large amount of information about the personal
attributes of emigrants and institutional networks can be found in ship
passenger lists, population census data, and in local civil registers in the
sending countries.8 Migration networks link communities of origin and
destination that serve as channels for the transfer of information and
resources.
Vlll
Table 1.1 "Emigration from the United Kingdom and Ireland to the United States,
1870-1905"
Year* England Wales Scotland Ireland Great Britain Total:
1870 59487 672 11820 56678 22481 151138
1871 61174 1339 12135 61463 136111
1872 72801 775 14565 69761 157902
1873 60600 868 13008 75848 150324
1874 43396 558 8765 47678 100397
1875 30040 419 5729 29960 66148
1876 21591 294 4383 16500 42768
1877 18124 232 3408 13791 35555
1878 19579 311 3700 17113 40703
1879 40997 1046 8814 27651 78508
1880 64190 948 14495 84799 164432
1881 76547 1316 16451 70909 165223
1882 61893 1633 15952 72887 152365
1883 61431 1430 10839 83654 157354
1884 53271 1011 8791 58589 121662
1885 45310 931 10174 49793 106208
1886 58422 1343 13916 52912 126593
1887 83036 1614 22067 72888 179605
1888 76040 1714 23412 71966 173132
1889 68503 1181 18296 65557 153537
1889 57020 650 12041 53024 122735
1891 53600 424 12557 55706 122287
1892 34309 729 1111 51383 93598
1893 27931 1013 6215 43578 78737
1894 17747 1001 3772 30231 52751
1895 23443 1001 3772 46304 74520
1896 19492 1581 3483 40262 64818
1897 9974 870 1883 28421 41148
1898 9877 1219 1797 25128 38021
1899 10712 1359 1752 32345 46168
1900 10847 762 1757 35607 48973
1901 13488 674 2000 30404 46566
1902 14942 760 2432 29001 47135
1903 17229 836 3995 35366 57426
1904 25326 1173 7023 16607 50129
1905 50865 2531 16144 54266 123806
Total: 1473234 36218 328520 1708030 22481 3568483
Source: Quarterly Reports of The Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department, 1870-1888, Washing-
ton, D.C., 1899; Ferenczi and Willcox International Migrations, New York, Vol. 1 (National Bureau of Economic
Research, New York, 1929), pp. 427-438
*Quarterly data for 1870-1888 converted to a calendar year basis
IX