Table Of ContentEINSTEIN
ON PEACE
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Edited by Otto Nathan & Heinz Nor den
Preface by Bertrand Russell
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continued on back cover
E I N S T E I N
ON P E A C E
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EDITED BY '
OTTO NATHAN HEINZ NORDEN
and
BERTRAND RUSSELL
preface by
SC H O C K E N BOOKS • N E W YO RK
All rights reserved including the right of reproduction in whole
or in part in any form.
Copyright © 1960 by Estate of Albert Einstein
First schocken edition 1968
Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 68-28903
Manufactured in the United States of America
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION vii
PREFACE by BERTRAND RUSSELL XV
I THE REALITY OF WAR (1914-1918) 1
II REVOLUTION IN GERMANY: HOPE AND DISILLU
SIONMENT (1919-1923) 27
III INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION AND THE LEAGUE
OF NATIONS (1922-1927) 58
IV WAR RESISTANCE I (1928-1931) 90
V WAR RESISTANCE II (1931-1932) 127
VI THE EVE OF FASCISM IN GERMANY (1932-193 3) 166
VII ADVENT OF NAZISM AND ADVOCACY OF MILITARY
PREPAREDNESS. DEPARTURE FROM EUROPE
(1933) 214
VIII ARRIVAL IN AMERICA. REARMAMENT AND COLLEC
TIVE SECURITY (1933- 1939) 244
IX BIRTH OF THE ATOMIC AGE (1939-1940) 286
X THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1939-1945) 309
XI THE THREAT OF ATOMIC WEAPONS (1945) 335
XII MILITANCY (1946) 369
XIII THE NEED FOR A SUPRANATIONAL ORGANIZATION
(1947) 4OO
VI CONTENTS
XIV THE STRUGGLE FOR MANKIND^ SURVIVAL (1948) 458
XV TOTAL DISARMAMENT OR NONE (1949- 1950) 509
XVI THE FIGHT FOR INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM\( 1951
1952) 541
xvh twilight (1953- 1954) 575
XVIII THE THREAT OF UNIVERSAL ANNIHILATION (1955) 615
EDITORS' NOTE 643
NOTES 647
INDEX 684
^ I N T R O D U C T IO N
D uring my last conversation with Einstein, only a few hours be
fore his death, he talked about the embattled civil liberties in the
United States since the end of the war and the rearmament of
Germany, which he considered most unwise and a severe obstacle
to the establishment of real peace in the world. A few days before,
he had affixed the last signature of his life to a statement of nine
scientists, in which the world was warned it would run the risk of
universal annihilation unless the institution of war was abolished
in the near future.
I was in London a few months later when that statement was re
leased to the world. I discussed with Bertrand Russell the unique
role Einstein had played in the fight against war, a fight which was
now more crucial and urgent than ever before. It was then that I
conceived of the project which is realized in this volume. Since
Einstein himself could no longer speak to the world and was no
longer able to struggle personally for peace on earth, I felt that the
printed record of his ceaseless efforts against militarism and war
might help in the fight for a saner world.
It seemed appropriate that the first collection of Einstein’s
writings to be published after his death should be a volume de
voted to his activities in the cause of peace. Einstein’s thirst for
knowledge about the universe overshadowed everything else in his
life. His curiosity about the laws of nature was first stimulated
when, as a child, he was fascinated by a compass; and his interest
in science was to dominate his thoughts until the end. Nothing else
mattered as much as his scientific work; but I know from the expe
rience gained in the many years during which I enjoyed his friend
ship and confidence that, except for his devotion to science, no
cause was more important or closer to his heart than the determi
nation that the institution of war be forever abolished. What were
the roots of that determination? What were the forces that inspired
him?
Einstein fought for the abolition of war not merely because he
hated brutality and considered it unconscionable to seek solutions
Vlll INTRODUCTION
to international conflicts through killing of human beings; he was
convinced that, as long as war existed as an accepted institution,
the intellectual freedom of the individual—which he considered to
be the foundation of human society—could not be realized. The
existence of military institutions, the training of youth to serve as
unthinking tools for the most flagrantly asocial purposes, the de
moralizing effect of war preparations upon civilian life—Einstein
considered all this incompatible with the dignity of free men.
Einstein was a socialist. He believed in socialism because, as a
convinced eaualitarian, he was opposed to the class division in
capitalism and to the exploitation of man by man which he felt
this system facilitated more ingeniously than any previous eco
nomic organization. He was a socialist because he was certain that
a capitalist economy could not adequately perform for the welfare
of all people and that the economic anarchy of capitalism was the
source of many evils in contemporary society. And, finally, he was
a socialist because he was convinced that, under socialism, there
was a greater possibility of attaining the maximum degree of in
dividual freedom compatible with the public welfare than under
any other system known to man.
Einstein's socialism was a deeply felt human reaction to the in
equities of the world in which he lived; it was not the result of
methodical study, nor was it confined within the limits of an ideo
logical creed. His free and unfettered mind, hostile to regimenta
tion, would not have tolerated any restriction on his thoughts, acts
or expressions. His mind having been trained in systematic reason
ing, he believed in the necessity of a centrally planned economy
which would provide orderliness of production and distribution
and utilize the labor power of man in the interest of society as a
whole. But he well realized the problems that may arise in a fully
planned economy, which might, in fact, “be accompanied by the
complete enslavement of the individual." Einstein was always ap
prehensive of concentration of power, regardless of the economic
system under which such concentration would occur. His insist
ence on the development of real political democracy did not
merely reflect his innermost feelings of equality and brotherhood
toward his fellow man; he considered true democracy an indis
pensable antidote for the misuse of economic power, which ap
peared to him a constant threat to the welfare of society. It was
this fear of concentrated power and the ambitions and drives to
which such power might give rise that made it impossible for Ein
stein to hope that socialism would be a guarantee against war. He
did not share the belief of other socialists that socialist countries
