Table Of ContentECONOMICS: AN ANTI-TEXT
Economics:  An Anti-Text 
Edited by 
Francis Green 
Department of Politics and Economics, Kingston Polytechnic 
and 
Petter Nore 
Division of Economics, Thames Polytechnic 
M
©Sam Aaronovitch, Bettina Berch, Monika Beutel, Ben Fine, 
Andrew Glyn, Francis Green, Laurence Harris, 
Sue Himmelweit, Rhys Jenkins, Simon Mohun, 
Petter Nore, Bob Sutcliffe 1977 
All rights reserved. No part of this publication 
may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form 
or by any means, without permission. 
First edition 1977 
Reprinted 1978, 1979 
Published 1977 by 
THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD 
London and Basingstoke 
Associated companies in Delhi Dublin 
Hong Kong Johannesburg Lagos Melbourne 
New York Singapore and Tokyo 
ISBN 978-0-333-21202-8 ISBN 978-1-349-15751-8 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-15751-8
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Contents 
List of Contributors  vii 
Introduction  ix 
PART 1 
ECONOMIC METHODS AND ASSUMPTIONS 
1 The Myth of Objectivity in Positive Economics  3 
FRANCIS GREEN 
2  The Individual as Basic Unit of Analysis  21 
SUE HIMMELWEIT 
3  Class in Contemporary Britain  36 
MONIKA BEUTEL 
PART2 
MICROECONOMICS 
4  Consumer Sovereignty  57 
SIMON MOHUN 
5  The Firm and Concentration  76 
SAM AARONOVITCH 
6  Wages and Labour  89 
BETTINA BERCH 
PART3 
MACROECONOMICS 
7  The Concept and Origin of Profit  105 
BEN FINE 
8  The Balance of Payments and the International  117 
Economic System 
LAURENCE HARRIS
vi  Contents 
9  Underdevelopment  132 
RHYS JENKINS 
10  Inflation  148 
ANDREWGLYN 
PART4 
ECONOMIC THEORY AND THE STATE 
11  Keynesianism and the Stabilisation of  163 
Capitalist Economies 
BOB SUTCLIFFE 
12  The State  182 
PETTER NORE 
Notes and References  207
List of Contributors 
FRANCIS GREEN teaches Economics at Kingston Polytechnic. 
SUE HIMMELWEIT teaches Economics at Birkbeck College, London. 
MoNIKA BEUTEL teaches Sociology at Hatfield Polytechnic. 
SIMON MoHUN teaches Economics at Queen Mary College, London. 
SAM AARONOVITCH teaches Economics at South Bank Polytechnic. 
BETTINA BERCH  teaches Economics at Williams College, Massachusetts. 
BEN FINE teaches Economics at Birkbeck College, London. 
RHvs JENKINS teaches Economics at the University of East Anglia. 
ANDREW GL YN teaches Economics at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 
LAURENCE HARRIS  teaches Economics at Birkbeck College, London. 
Boa SUTCLIFFE teaches Economics at Kingston Polytechnic. 
PETTER NoRE teaches Economics at Thames Polytechnic.
Introduction 
This book is mainly written for students who come to economics in the 
expectation of gaining an understanding of how economic society func 
tions, and who have become disillusioned with the subject. They see 
that many of the fundamental questions about economic society are 
either dismissed or else cannot be handled by the so -called 'neoclassical/ 
neo-Keynesian synthesis' that totally dominates the teaching of econo 
mics. It also addresses itself to teachers of standard economics courses 
who, while being aware of the mounting criticisms against the orthodox 
within the profession, nevertheless have had no coherent point-by-point 
critique to recommend to students. Criticism of the subject, while never 
absent, has been increasing over the last decade or so; indeed it has 
spread so virulently that at times it might have surprised the economist 
that orthodox economics still manages to survive. 
This is no simple malaise as the attack appears to come from several 
quarters. On the logical plane, the neoclassical theory has had to cope 
with criticisms  of its concept of capital  from the Cambridge 'post 
Keynesians';1 * a retreat was forced to the less useful, because more 
general and complex, domain of general-equilibrium theory. More im 
portantly, however, economic science has proved incapable of dealing 
with the most pressing practical economic issues of present-day cap 
italism,  in  particular the combination of high inflation and high un 
employment, symptoms of the crisis through which capitalism is pass 
ing in the mid -1970s. Among the various responses which economists 
have made, an implicit retreat can be detected as a common thread, 
namely that economics has become wedded to politics (they are rather 
'living in sin'); economics as the isolated discipline-the science of re 
source allocation -has had to be politely ignored as analysts are forced 
*For notes, see pp. 207-15.
x  Introduction 
to consider the political presence of workers and unions and the increas 
ing importance of the capitalist state. Other attacks, perhaps less urgent, 
have  come from a variety of sources associated with the discovery of 
ecology -economists have been called on to reconsider such questions 
as  whether there are any natural limits to the expansion of the eco 
nomy ,2 or whether economies of scale are really all that important.3 
But the crisis in economics has expressed itself most clearly in the 
revival  of interest in  what  is loosely called 'radical' economics. The 
failure of conventional economics has led to the renewed development 
of Marxist political economy, both in the United Kingdom and else 
where. More and more institutions of higher learning are finding them 
selves  with courses in  Marxist economics  at all levels, usually as an 
optional subject  among  many.  However, the effect of this has been 
partly to channel the criticism into reasonably safe streams, leaving the 
main courses in economic theory relatively untouched. Thus, despite 
the  turmoil amongst fully fledged economists, the student is forever 
taught the same conventional theory; and the analysis of the criticisms 
must usually be kept to a minimum simply because they are confusing. 
This book is offered as an aid to understanding the correct criticisms 
that have to be made of the orthodoxy, and by so doing hopes to stimu 
late interest in taking an alternative approach in the understanding of 
the capitalist economy. (We do not wish to deny the relevance of 'gut 
feelings' in the consideration of a theory; but criticism based on faulty 
groundwork is quite common in our subject, and tends to be counter 
productive; we  have  clearly  attempted to avoid it in compiling this 
book.) It is intended therefore to be read not primarily as a textbook 
in its own right but as a subversive companion to any of the normal 
textbooks that are used in mainstream economics courses; it is thus an 
intervention at the centre of undergraduate economics teaching. The 
levels of the chapters have been designed where possible to be easily 
understandable by a first-year undergraduate. (There are inevitably a 
few points -notably in Chapter 4 -where the concept being criticised, 
for example 'Pareto optimality', might in some cases not be met with 
until the second year of the standard economics degree.) At the same 
time the book may be used by the student of economics at any stage of 
his studies. Indeed its appeal should not be limited to the current gener 
ation of undergraduates, and will, we hope, extend to anyone with an 
interest in the subject. 
While the various contributions have  received some critical discus 
sion from all the contributors collectively, each chapter remains finally
Introduction  xi 
the particular contributor's own work. There are therefore clearly some 
views  expressed iil some  chapters which  are  not held unanimously. 
Nevertheless, the coherence of the book derives from the fact that all 
criticisms are made from a Marxist perspective. This means that it is 
necessary in each case to distinguish Marxist from bourgeois criticisms 
of the orthodoxy. But it also raises the problem of making criticisms of 
mainstream  economics,  from  a  Marxist  perspective,  without  using 
Marxist categories of analysis. We have felt that it was best to avoid us 
ing the latter as far as possible in the interests of being intelligible to the 
reader who has never encountered Marx. Nevertheless, in some cases it 
has proved necessary to develop an explicitly Marxist criticism. The an 
alysis developed in the last two parts of Chapter 4 serves therefore as a 
reference point for other parts of the book. 
In referring to our object of criticisms, several names were possible: 
'mainstream', 'orthodox', 'conventional' and 'bourgeois' economics are 
some. More often than not, the term used is 'orthodox economics', in 
preference in particular to the more aggressive 'bourgeois' economics. 
The latter term has the advantage of being consistent with a conclusion 
of the book, that orthodoxy is an aspect of bourgeois idealogy. It has 
the drawbacks that, on the one hand, using the term in the course of 
each chapter anticipates its conclusion, and, on the other hand, that it is 
a term not too familiar with and possibly objectionable to an Anglo 
Saxon readership. The result is a compromise: the possible terms are 
used interchangeably, and the only distinction we would wish to pre 
serve is that between orthodox economics and non -orthodox economics 
which is nevertheless within the bourgeois framework. 
The book is structured in four parts, and designed broadly to match 
any of the usual textbooks. Part 1 concerns issues in economic science. 
Opening with a critique of the notion of 'positive' economics, it pro 
ceeds in Chapter 2 with a critique of the fundamental concept of the 
atomistic individual in economics, complemented in Chapter 3 by a re 
assertion of the central empirical importance of class. 
Part 2 (Chapters 4 to 6) covers issues which normally arise under the 
specifically microeconomics section of the standard course; while Part 
3 (Chapters 7 to 10) concerns macroeconomic questions. We make this 
distinction only because that is normally what is done, but the line of 
demarcation is nowadays becoming increasingly blurred. A few words 
are particularly necessary about Chapters 6 and 7, both concerned with 
distribution. The difference is that Chapter 6 is chiefly concerned to 
criticise the neoclassical theory of wage differentials; while Chapter 7,