Table Of ContentDUTCH FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1815
DUTCH FOREIGN POLICY
SINCE 1815
A STUDY IN SMALL POWER POLITICS
BY
AMRY VANDENBOSCH
University of Kentucky
•
THE HAGUE
MARTINUS NI]HOFF
1959
TO MY BROTHER JACOB
ISBN-13: 978-94-011-6811-3 e-ISBN-13: 978-94-011-6809-0
DOl: 10.10071978-94-011-6809-0
Copyright I959 by Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Netherlands
Softcover reprint oft he hardcover 1s f edition 1959
All rights reserved, including the right to translate or to
reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form
PREFACE
This study was begun in 1937 with the help of a research grant
from the Social Science Research Council and a semester's
sabbatical from the University of Kentucky. It was interrupted
by the pressure of events, governmental service during the war
and the flood of students following it. A Fulbright lectureship at
Leiden University during 1957-58 finally gave me the oppor
tunity to bring it to completion. I am deeply indebted to the
Social Science Research Council and wish to express my appreci
ation for its aid. I wish also to express my gratitude to the Uni
versity of Kentucky for the semester's sabbatical in 1937-38 and
the year's sabbatical in 1957-58. Without this generous aid the
study could not have been made.
I wish to thank the personnel of the Royal Library, the Peace
Palace Library and the library of the States-General, all at The
Hague, and of Leiden University library for their never failing
courtesy and unwearied assistance. I am also indebted to a
number of persons in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
chiefly in the archives division. That their help was not more
extensive was not due to unwillingness on their part to be of
service.
To the University of California Press I am indebted for per
mitting me to draw heavily on a chapter of my book, The Dutch
East Indies, which was published by it but is now out of print.
Many Dutch friends have given me help in the preparation of
this book without being aware of it, but none have been directly
consulted about the text and hence none can be held responsible
in any way for the contents of this book or the views reflected
therein. I am, however, indebted to Mr. and Mrs. P. ]. G. Kap
teyn for valuable editorial assistance.
As in all I have written, my wife's assistance has been extensive
and invaluable. Without her many suggestions and painstaking
care with respect to details, the shortcomings of this volume
would be much greater.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface VII
I. Introduction
II. Formulation and Control of Foreign Policy 6
Constitutional Provisions, 6 - New Policy Brings Fresh
Constitutional Revision, 11 - Practice, 14 - Procedures
in the Chambers, 17 - Discontent with the Conduct of
Foreign Relations, 21 - Small Power Caution, 27
III. The Foreign Office and the Foreign Service 32
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, 32 - The Department of
Foreign Affairs, 38 - The Diplomatic Service, 39 -
World War II and after, 41
IV. The New Kingdom and Power Politics 44
Power Politics creates a Buffer State, 45 - Brief Role as a
strong Second-Class Power, 53 - Separation of Belgium,
53
V. The Luxembourg Affair 57
VI. The Boer War 70
VII. The North Sea Declaration 89
VIII. The Fortification of Flushing 101
IX. Precarious Neutrality in World War I 108
Economic Difficulties, 108 - Netherlands Overseas
Trust, 111 - Requisitioning of Dutch Vessels, 116 -
Menace of War, 120 - Protection of the Interests of the
Nationals of Belligerents, 130 - Popular Support of
Governmental Policy, 131 - Dutch Fear of Allied Dis
favor, 133 - Revolutionary Disorders, 134 - Asylum
for the German Emperor, 135
X. Relations with the Vatican 140
XI. Great Netherlands Idea 149
Early Pan-Netherlands Movement, 149 - Pan-Nether
landism and Historical Writing, 151 - Flemish Activism
and Pan-Netherlandism, 152 - South Africa and Pan
Netherlandism, 156 - Growth of Afrikaner Nationality,
158 - Brief Political History, 1910-1939, 160 - The
Netherlands and South Africa in World War II and after,
161
X TABLE OF CONTENTS
XII. The Hague as Peace Laboratory 164
XIII. League of Nations Policy 172
An Agonizing Reappraisal, 172 - Early Reactions to the
League, 178 - The Geneva Protocol, 181 - Limitation of
Armaments, 183 - Support and Failure of Sanctions,
185 - Flight from the System of Collective Security, 186
XIV. Colonies Complicate Small Power Politics I 191
The Achinese War, 196 - Fear of Neutrality Violation by
the Russian Fleet, 201 - Oil Troubles the Waters, 202-
The Washington Conference, 206 - Netherlands Indies
and China, 208 - Relations with the Moslem World, 211 -
Difficulties in the west, 213 - Influence of Dependencies
on Netherlands International Position, 214
XV. Colonies Complicate Small Power Politics II 217
Relations with Japan, 217 - Japanese Southward Policy,
227 - Diplomatic Events after the Outbreak of World
War II, 229 - German Occupation of the Netherlands, 232
XVI. Relations with Belgium 241
Movements for Closer Relations, 241 - Belgium Desires
Revision of the Treaties of 1839, 247 - Navigation and
Control of the ScheIdt, 250 - Belgium Demands at the
Paris Peace Conference, 255 - Dutch Reactions, 258 -
Belgian-Dutch Negotiations under Auspices of the Great
Powers, 259 - The Treaty of 1925, 261 - Toward Cordial
Relations, 1927-1940, 267
XVII. Relations with Germany: Failure of Neutrality 271
Effect of German Unification on Dutch Security, 271 -
Economic Relations, 275 - Hitlerian Deceit, 276 - In
Defense of the Neutral Policy, 280
XVIII. Reorientation of Policy 289
The United Nations, 293 - Relations with Indonesia,
296 - Final Abandonment of Neutrality, 300 - European
Integration, 303 - Conclusion, 305
Bibliography 307
Index 313
DUTCH FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1815
Simultaneously small and great.
GROEN VAN PRINSTERER
Statesman and historian
I am happy to belong to a nation which is too
small to commit great stupidities.
H. A. LORENTZ
Physicist, Nobel Prize Winner
We small ones of the earth feel mutually drawn
to each other in a world which has largely
gone crazy with the problems of size and scale.
FIELD MARSHALL J. C. SMUTS
Soldier and statesman
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
There is a wide difference of opinion as to the significance of small
states in the life of the family of nations and their proper position
and role in world politics and international organization. There
are those who exalt the small states, regarding them as essentially
peace-loving and as contributing far more, proportionately, to
the culture and welfare of mankind than do the great powers.1
There are others, however, who regard them as stagnant pools, as
anachronisms in the world of modern technology, as hindrances
to the organization of peace and as obstacles to higher standards
of living. Indeed, one journalist and author unhesitatingly calls
the "small, weak state" an "international nuisance," affirming
that it is "generally misgoverned" and "nearly always jealous of
its neighbors." Living "in a constant state of fear of losing its
independence," it has encouraged aggression.2 Where does the
truth lie?
Much has been written about great power politics, but very
little actual examination has been made of small power politics.
It is easy to understand the attraction of "power" politics, but it
is difficult to understand why the politics of small states in world
affairs has received so little attention. There are many reasons for
studying the foreign relations of small states. The small states of
Europe have played a large part in the economic and cultural life
of that continent and of the world. In the whole of Central and
South America there is not a single great power, yet this region
has enjoyed an active international political life. The number of
great powers has markedly decreased as a result of the two world
1 See article by C. van Vollenhoven, "Holland's International Policy," Political
Science Quarterly, June, 1919; also "The Value of small states," H. A. L. Fisher,
Studies in history and politics.
2 Sidney Dark in the chapter on "Minorities" in A Christian basis for the post·war
world, edited by Albert Baker, pp. 51-52. Apparently Dark was not limiting his stric
tures to small states that are weak for in the paragraph he refers to the Scandinavian
states and Holland and Belgium.
2 INTRODUCTION
wars; the disintegration of empires has resulted in a steady
increase in the number of small states. Furthermore, with the
development of international cooperation and organization, the
small states are able to playa far more active role in world
politics. It gives them for the first time an opportunity to play
a really significant part in world politics. Indeed, in the United
Nations with a membership of more than eighty countries the
small states have become tremendously influential. For an
understanding of world politics, a knowledge of small power
politics is almost as important as a comprehension of great power
politics. The large states live and move in a world composed
predominantly of small countries.
The case of the Netherlands is of special interest for at least two
reasons. The Dutch nation had played a leading role in world poli
tics for nearly two centuries. In the second half of the 18th
century it veered toward a policy of neutrality, which in reality
was a pro-French policy and ended in French domination. After
a brief period as a buffer state (1815-1830), the Dutch deliber
ately adopted a passive role in international politics and most
assiduously followed this new policy. Secondly, the Netherlands
was able to maintain this policy successfully for a century even
though a number of factors such as its geographic position at the
crossroads of Western Europe and between three great powers, a
large overseas colonial empire, a merchant marine which plied the
seven seas and extensive investments abroad all tended to pull it
into the vortex of world politics. Some of these factors, it is true,
operated both ways. For example, the Netherlands could find
no security in an alliance with either Great Britain or one of its
strong continental neighbors for the simple reason that the
British navy could not protect the homeland from an invasion by
powerful French or German armies, nor could strong continental
armies protect the Dutch colonies from the British navy. This
dilemma was naturally a powerful inducement to follow a policy
of neutrality.
In the middle period of the Republic the Dutch had been
deeply involved in European politics and wars. Unable to keep
up its naval power at a high peak, the Republic ceased to play
its former leading role after the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. As
a trading country it desired peace. It hoped to achieve this by
