Demmink Affair reveals the supranational politics of heroin, cocaine, blackmail and deception

145 Pages·2014·1.58 MB·English

The Netherlands in perspective: Demmink Affair
reveals the supranational politics of heroin,
cocaine, blackmail and deception
By: Joël v.d. Reijden | Date: October 31, 2014 | Updated: December 8, 2014
Contents
- Intro: Nederlands, inclusief korte samenvatting
- Joris Francken caught on 1994 police wiretaps, NOT Joris Demmink
- Questionable 2003 Panorama and Gay Krant case against Demmink
- CIA-linked Baybasin heroin cartel goes after Demmink (2007)
- CIA/MI6/Turkish heroin politics behind Baybasin?
- No evidence at this point that Demmink was in Turkey
- CIA/MI6/AIVD cocaine politics linked to Demmink affair?
- Robert Rubinstein joins the anti-Demmink party
- Algemeen Dagblad targets Demmink with questionable witnesses (2012)
- Bart van Well
- Rolodex investigation: chief prosecutors suspected, torpedoed by chief of police
- Demmink's drivers
- EenVandaag/Samson file
- Demmink's "boyfriend" Libor Ctvrtlik, a seemingly pedophile porn actor
- Demmink's Bilderberg-level friends
- Demmink's (potential) ties to Opus Dei elites and Gladio networks
- Royals - Westerfier cult - mafia - media ties
- Foreigners come in, disinformation comes out
- Demmink, Steve Brown, Peter R. de Vries, mafia, and ... Gladio?
- Conclusions

Appendix A: the accused
Notes
Intro: Nederlands, inclusief korte samenvatting
Ten eerste: Deze site is niet geschreven door een Republikeinse activist of iemand die een hekel heeft aan
het koningshuis. Koning Willem Alexander en Koningin Maxima lijken sympathiek genoeg en, kijkende
naar de informatie in dit artikel, zijn mogelijk simpelweg het "slachtoffer" van het milieu waarin ze zijn
geboren. Misschien dat het ondertussen wel tijd wordt dat er eens in de 20-25 jaar gestemd moet worden of
het volk het koningshuis wilt behouden, maar buiten dat ben ik zelf redelijk neutraal.
Ten tweede: Deze site is niet bepaald een supporter van de "leiders" van het anti-Demmink offensief: de
ultra-radicale Micha Kat, zijn financier Jan Poot, Jack Abramoff maatje Robert Rubinstein, de omver
gereden Gay Krant en Panorama schrijver Fred de Brouwer, IRT veteraan Klaas Langendoen, de
overleden Rote Armee Fraktion advocaat and morele verdediger Pieter Bakker Schut, zijn weduwe Adele
van der Plas, het Baybasin heroine cartel, Adam Curry met zijn nogal uitgebreide CIA familie, cocaine-
snuivende crimineel Steve Brown, miljonair JFK manipulator Wim Dankbaar, of zelfs Koen Voskuil van
het Algemeen Dagblad. Stuk voor stuk vertellen ze niet bepaald de waarheid.
Ditzelfde geldt voor radicale verdedigers van Demmink, voornamelijk Heineken ontvoerder maatje en crime
reporter Peter R. de Vries, die het geweldig vindt om te vertellen aan TV-kijkend Nederland hoe
overduidelijk irrationeel deze "complot mafia" wel niet is zonder zelf degelijk onderzoek te doen en daarmee
het Nederlandse volk met talloze vragen laat zitten.
Hoewel er zeker wat vragen zijn aan Demmink's adres, o.a. over jeugdige ex-vriend Libor Ctvrtlik, en diens
praktijken in de pornofilm Das Fickende Klassenzimmer, lijken meer dan een aantal getuigenverklaringen
tegen Demmink vals en, in de mening van deze auteur, het resultaat van manipulatie die in de context van
een supranationaal "CIA" netwerk (om het maar een naam te geven) moet worden gezien. Dat klinkt
misschien een beetje "te" op het eerste gezicht, maar kan ook redelijk makkelijk worden gedemonstreerd.
Dat wordt dus ook gedaan in dit artikel.
Hierbuiten: er zijn wel degelijk aanwijzingen dat relatief veel kindermisbruik plaatsvindt op het hoogste
niveau en dat mensen in dit milieu zich hier niet druk om lijken te maken. Ook zijn er heel aantoonbare
banden (geweest) tussen het koninklijk huis, de Klaas Bruinsma-Etienne Urka-John Engelsma-Charles
Geerts mafia, en Inlichtingen & Operaties. Deze laatste groep is de Nederlandse tak van het CIA
Gladio/"stay behind" netwerk geweest. Deze banden moeten veel dieper onderzocht worden, omdat juist
vanuit dit milieu veel manipulatie van de Nederlandse staat lijkt te hebben plaatsgevonden.
Afpersingspraktijken op het gebied van kindermisbruik lijken hier onderdeel vanuit te maken. En is het niet
heel erg vreemd dat alle namen die uitgelekt zijn homosexuelen omvat?
Trouwens, een site die ik wel steun is Kleintje Muurkrant op Stelling.nl. Het is de enige site waar ik
consequent veel van heb geleerd en daarnaast schrijft men daar ook nog eens op absoluut hilarische wijze. Ik
lig continue in een deuk van artikelen hier en wou dat ik zo kon schrijven--in het Engels uiteraard. Nooit heb
ik de site betrapt op het verzinnen van feiten en over de lijn is het allemaal heel accuraat. Wel moet ik altijd
de oorspronkelijke bronnen opzoeken voor m'n eigen piece-of-mind, maar dat is geen probleem.
Een laatste punt: deze site gaat over begrijpen, niet over beschuldigen of zelfs actievoeren. ISGP is altijd
gefocused op "het grote plaatje". Om dit grote plaatje te begrijpen zullen allerlei verschillende schandalen
met zoveel mogelijk namen besproken moeten worden.
Joris Francken caught on 1994 police wiretaps, NOT Joris Demmink
On April 20, 1998 NCRV's "Netwerk" program aired an episode about underage boy prostition ring that
centered around pedophile pimp Lothar Glandorf. The activities of Glandorf and clients were exposed when
in 1994 the German police asked its Dutch colleagues to help find the missing 13-year-old Manuel
Schadwald, whose disappearence was beginning to cause controversy in Germany. Information gathered by
the German police indicated that Schadwald was used as a child prostitute by Lothar Glandorf, a pimp for
young boys who ran a brothel in Rotterdam South. A partner of his, Henk S. (last name seems to be
Smolders), operated from the famous Cube Blocks ("Kubuswoningen") in the center of Rotterdam. Sadistic
pedophiles are known to have been clients of these men. Despite numerous delays, the Dutch police
complied, and began to tap Glandorf's phone. Subsequently a "Joris" was caught calling Glandorf on a
weekly basis to order boys for sexual abuse. Both men were subsequently arrested, with Glandorf going to
jail.
As for Schadwald, at one point three members of an observation team of the Dutch police were convinced
they saw Schadwald in the presence of Lothar Glandorf, but, while waiting for orders from superiors, failed
to intervene. Schadwald was transported to a place unknown, never to be seen again. Strangely, the Dutch
police never reported back to their German colleagues that they had lost track of Schadwald. Also, a
detective interviewed by Netwerk claimed that the relevant police journal, the only source mentioning the
observation, had been lost. This turned out to be a lie. The journal existed, which confirmed the above facts.
The program strongly hints that a high government official with the name "Joris" was involved in the
network and also that some kind of cover up is in place about the disappearance of Schadwald. Netwerk
reenacts conversations between child pimp "Lothar" [Glandorf] and the client with the name "Joris". To
imitate Joris, Netwerk uses a very snooty voice of a man who sounds like he is at least in his 40s. He is
described as "an official who has a high position in the government. His name appears in the State Almanac
for the Kingdom of the Netherlands." What follows is a screen capture of one of the phone taps and the
conversations that can be heard and read:
JORIS: I just wanted to ask, is anything nice available this weekend?
GLANDORF: What do you want?
JORIS: Well, I thought maybe something new has arrived, or something like that. You said something
about...
GLANDORF: No, no, nothing new. Not really new.
JORIS: Two Germans would...
GLANDORF: Yes, but I sent those to Henk.
JORIS: Oh, then I know enough already.
GLANDORF: [laughs] ...
JORIS: And Ricardo?
GLANDORF: That's a story apart. He is not yet this far. ... Today Omar is there, Michael and Brian.
JORIS: Might that be something for me?
GLANDORF: You never had him? ...
GLANDORF: Who did you have yesterday?
JORIS: Oh, I have to think about that for a second... That Daniel.
GLANDORF: He is good, isn't he?
JORIS: Yes, good, but it hurt a lot [for him]. [laughing].
GLANDORF: Oh! [laughing softly]
JORIS: Let's see, who else did we have? Christoph. ... That friend of Marcine. ...
GLANDORF: Who did you just have? Jorik?
JORIS: Uh, yeah, you know him?
GLANDORF: The little one? With the dark hair?
JORIS: Yes, him.
GLANDORF: He's nice, isn't he?
JORIS: Yes, but I think he has an STD.
GLANDORF: Why?
JORIS: Well, when he comes, some kind of slime comes out. ...
GLANDORF: Oh Jesus, but that's such a beautiful boy.
JORIS: Yes, a very beautiful boy, but he doesn't really do much, right?
GLANDORF: No, not really, does he?
JORIS: But that doesn't really matter. ...
Joris calling from Gorzow, Poland, bringing back a child:
JORIS: That doesn't give any problems at the border, right?
GLANDORF: No, but you do have to let him cross the bridge, but he knows that himself.
JORIS: Oh, he has to cross the bridge? That he does that himself? Ok, I'll take care of that.
GLANDORF: Yes, don't do that, otherwise they arrest you for human trafficking. Well, not that they do
that. But you never know.
As for who this "Joris" is, a newspaper article, probably from early 1996, entitled "240 Uur Dienstverlening
na Misbruik van Jongens", shown at 3:32 of the Network broadcast, already seems to confirm we're not
dealing with Demmink. He has a different name and a different age:
"This morning the Rotterdam Court sentenced the 40-year-old J. F., of The Hague, to 240 hours of
community service. Subsequently he was given six months probation. Two weeks ago the man admitted to
having abused a number of underage boys in two brothels in Rotterdam in 1994."
A 1996 newspaper report explains that "J.F." was a judicial advisor at a government department "who used
his judicial expertise to help the pimps smuggle boys from Poland to the Netherlands. ... Last year the
suspect also spent two months in prison on similar suspicions." Throughout 1995 and 1996 a number of
well-to-do clients of this network, some of them foreigners, were brought to justice. [1] According to a
Volkskrant article of 2007, the government department of "J.F." was the Ministry of Health, Welfare and
Sport. It correctly states that an earlier EenVandaag broadcast, which aired a segment of the 1998 program,
falsely suggested that it was Demmink in the telephone taps. [2]
Update: Right before closing off this article, I just happened to run into the last name of "Joris" in the
"EenVandaag/Richard Carl Samson file", which actually came up while searching for information on a
company called "Videorama". More on Videorama later, but our "J.F." appears to be Joris Francken. [240] In
November 1998 and December 1999 this person was present at the United Nations and World Health
Organization-ran Codex Alimentarius meetings in Switzerland and Washington, D.C. as "Head of
Delegation" and "Senior Policy Officer Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport." He continued his activities
of implementing the Codex Alimentarius food standards in the Netherlands until at least 2010. [241]
According to Micha Kat, "In a direct conversation this Joris admitted that he is the Joris from the Netwerk
broadcasts." If that's true, and that is always a bit of a question with Kat, clearly Francken was never fired.
That begs the question: who was responsible for Francken all this time? That would be Elst Borst, minister
of health, welfare and sport from 1994 to 2002 and deputy prime minister from 1998 to 2002. Curiously, she
was found murdered in February 2014, age 81. Both Francken and Bos served under prime minister Wim
Kok, who, after his 8 years in office came to an end in 2002, joined elite NGOs as George Soros'
International Crisis Group and CMi (the latter along with Bilderberg chairman Etienne Davignon, accused of
child abuse in the Belgian X-Dossiers). He also became president of the Club of Madrid.
There still seems to be a bit of skepticism if Joris Francken really was the person in the phone taps. One can
absolutely argue that the 1998 Netwerk description of "Joris", if Joris Francken was meant, was a little
overstated. And if it is true that Netwerk journalists and Micha Kat have gone through the entire 1998 State
Almanac and didn't find another Joris besides Demmink that would be very suspicious, not to mention that,
according to Kat, the EenVandaag journalists from 2007 also claimed that the phone taps involved
Demmink. [296] It's Kat, so it might be best to ignore these statements. And it seems that both were
involved in the same network anyhow. Also, who knows, maybe the 1998 Netwerk program was the first in
a long line of manipulations trying to draw attention to Demmink's activities. Why only focus on "Joris"?
Why that description of him? Certainly rumors about Demmink were already making their rounds in 1998.
As the reader will find out, everything surrounding the anti-Demmink campaign smacks of political
manipulation.
Questionable 2003 Panorama and Gay Krant case against Demmink
In October 2003 there were publications of journalist Fred de Brouwer in Panorama and Gay Krant
magazines. The 1994 police tap and the Manuel Schadwald case are not mentioned. Instead, the articles
focus on Demmink having picked up children from the Anne Frank Plantsoen in Eindhoven and reports that
a deceased, possibly murdered, former driver of Demmink, Rob Mostert, had seen him abuse one or more
boys on the backseat of his government car.
Joris Demmink, with 2003 Gay Krant and Panorama exposes visible. This is where the controversy began.
The key witness regarding the Anne Frank Plantsoen and some of Joris Demmink's adventures in the Czech
Republic was the bisexual former child prostitute Frank Leenders. After the controversy generated by the
articles in Panorama and Gay Krant, and the NOS identifying Joris Demmink by his full name that same
evening, Leenders was also interviewed by the police. A problem arose at this point: Leenders claimed that
most of what he said about Demmink wasn't true. And according to him, Fred de Brouwer had asked him to
provide these statements to the police in exchange for 500 euros. During a television interview a year later
Leenders denied having been offered any money by De Brouwer, but really his only terse reply was: "Not as
far as I know [has money been discussed]." But the official police hearing of November 2003 speaks for
itself. In it Leenders is quoted as saying:
"Fred of the Panorama has asked me to testify to the police. He has asked me to say I know Joris
Demmink from the Czech Republic. He also asked me to finger Joris Demmink as the man who abused a
lot of young children in both the Czech Republic and the Netherlands. ...
"No, nothing of this is true. I have prepared this story with Fred of the Panorama. Fred promised me that
I would be paid for this. I would receive 500 euros if I would testify to the police in the manner that I have
done. The only aspect that is true is that several times I have seen Joris Demmink at the Anne Frank
Plantsoen." [3]
Gerard Hamers, the attorney of Frank Leenders, didn't particularly help his client's cause when he explained:
"Well, as far as I know, no money has been offered to him by Panorama. But it is true that my client,
exactly in that part of the interview that he was not entirely lucid anymore, doesn't knows exactly what he
has said, that it has been said: "Yes, I've been offered money." But that's exactly that aspect of the

testimony about which he says: "But Gerard, this testimony is not correct." So it is a little unclear. But it is
clear that Panorama has denied it and that there really isn't any supporting evidence of it. I'm afraid that
he has been manipulated to such an extent that he thought, "Well, let's just say that also."" [4]
Next law psychologist Hans Krombag is given the documents of the police hearings and asked about his
opinion. Krombag explains:
"The police interview looks absolutely correct. ... If you take the official interview literally, he himself has
volunteered the information that part of his testimony, namely that part that incriminated the top official,
that that was false, and that he has made these statement on the advise of a journalist." [5]
Readers will have to make up their own mind, but maybe Frank Leenders shouldn't be considered the most
reliable witness in the world. Leenders made quite some statements about Demmink too. He even spoke
about a child Demmink "fucked to death" with a dildo in an unpublished section of an interview with De
Brouwer, which was leaked to the internet by Micha Kat. That all sounds terrible, but maybe only one aspect
of Leenders' interview with Fred de Brouwer should be given priority by the police (in case something
illegal has transpired), that aspect in which he talks about physical traits of Demmink.
"He has a birthmark of his left butt cheek. Large, a centimeter or three big, round. And a very small

dick. [laughing] You could almost call it a tooth pick. I almost never felt him. ..."
If this information is correct, we'll see from there.
CIA-linked Baybasin heroin cartel goes after Demmink (2007)
In April 2007 Demmink again reached the evening news. This time lawyers Adele van der Plas and husband
Pieter Bakker Schut sue Demmink on behalf of their client, the Kurd Huseyin Baybasin, locked up in a
Dutch jail on drug trafficking charges. Van der Plas and Schut claim that their client, which they have had
since at least 2002 [6], is completely innocent. He was locked up by the Dutch authorities after pressure
from the Turkish government. Personal pressure actually, because the Turkish government supposedly has
evidence that Joris Demmink raped boys in Turkey in the 1990s. If Demmink wouldn't see to it that
Baybasin was put away, they would start revealing evidence. [7]
We'll get back to the details of these claims later. What is certain is that the picture Van der Plas and Bakker
Schut have been painting of Baybasin, that of a courageous whistleblower and freedom fighter, is not
exactly correct. Huseyin Baybasin is also known as "Europe's Pablo Escobar" and "the Emperor", and was
head of the Kurdish Baybasin heroin cartel until his arrest in 1998. His brother, Abdullah Baybasin, took
over as head of the family at this point. By the time of Abdullah's own arrest in 2004 he was "estimated by
[British] police to have controlled up to 90% of the heroin which entered the country." On top of that
Abdullah ran violent extortion rackets in London. Turkish and Kurdish shop owners, businessmen, and
criminals as human traffickers all paid fees to Abdullah in order for them to continue their practices. As one
would expect from a family controlling almost all of the British heroin trade, Abdullah and Huseyin
Baybasin were government informants. Why not let The Guardian explain:
"Members of an international crime gang were allowed to move to Britain while flooding the country with
heroin because their leader had secretly worked as an informer for Customs & Excise, according to
evidence brought before an immigration appeals tribunal. The Baybasin Cartel, a notorious Kurdish gang,
is estimated by police to have controlled up to 90% of the heroin which entered the country after its
leading members settled in the home counties in the mid-1990s.
"Gang members also became involved in protection rackets and extortion in the UK, and were linked to a
series of turf disputes which resulted in up to 25 murders. On one occasion, Baybasin mobsters were
involved in a shoot-out across a busy shopping street in north London on a Saturday afternoon.
"The gang was already notorious among law enforcement agencies across Europe, the Middle East and
Central Asia when its members were allowed to move from Turkey to London, allegedly after their leader,
Huseyin Baybasin, agreed to tell Customs investigators what he knew about the involvement of senior
Turkish politicians and officials in the international heroin trade.
"According to evidence presented behind closed doors in a series of immigration hearings, Baybasin was
encouraged by Customs to come to the UK and arrived via Gibraltar in either late 1994 or early 1995. He
first met Customs officers in a hotel near Tower Bridge, London.
"That evidence, which has been seen by the Guardian, suggests that many of Baybasin's associates were
subsequently able to settle in the UK because Customs & Excise accepted that they would be in danger in
Turkey once he had been recruited as an informer. They are thought to have entered the country illegally,
using forged Dutch passports, and no attempt was made to regularise their immigration status for several
years. Nevertheless, one witness statement prepared for the tribunal, from a man who helped to set up the
meeting with Customs, talks of the UK becoming a "sanctuary" for the gang's leaders.
"As well as continuing to run their vast drug trafficking operation from London, gang members were
feared for their willingness to employ extreme violence, and terrorised members of the Turkish and
Kurdish communities in the UK. They and their relatives also persuaded a number of politicians to support
their attempts to obtain British travel documents. Among those who agreed to help was Tony McNulty, the
current immigration minister, who wrote a number of letters on behalf of Baybasin's wife after her husband
was arrested in the Netherlands.
"Baybasin, 49, is now serving a life sentence in a Dutch jail for drug smuggling, kidnapping and ordering
a number of contract killings. His wheelchair-bound brother, Abdullah, 45, who took the helm after his
conviction, was also arrested and successfully prosecuted only after a lengthy operation by the National
Crime Squad, during which detectives hid a tiny camera in the London office from which he masterminded
the gang's affairs. ...
"It was at Abdullah Baybasin's asylum hearings that the alleged deal with Customs & Excise was
disclosed. Despite having already served a prison sentence for firearms offences and despite having to give
evidence from Belmarsh high security prison, where he was on remand, Abdullah was given indefinite
leave to remain in the UK last year.
"Several other relatives also remain in this country. They include Huseyin Baybasin's two other brothers,
Sirin, 43, and Mesut, 33. Sirin was once extradited from Spain to Italy to stand trial on drug smuggling
charges but acquitted. Mesut told the Guardian that he fully expects the National Crime Squad "to come
for us" in the near future, but insisted that he and his brother were innocent and were being victimised.
"It is unclear whether Customs was operating with ministerial approval. Michael Howard, who was home
secretary at the time, and Ann Widdecombe, the then immigration minister, said they could not recall the
name Baybasin. Revenue & Customs, which now includes Customs & Excise after a merger with Inland
Revenue, said it could not comment on any matter concerning alleged informers." [9]
In other words, the Baybasins gave information on drug traffickers in the Turkish government and as a
reward were given a practical monopoly on British heroin imports. How does that work? In addition, the
family was "alleged to have extensive heroin smuggling operations in Turkey, Germany, the Netherlands,
Italy, and Spain." [10] Here's another rather shocking article on Abdullah Huseyin, this time from The
Independent:
"When police tried to enter the nondescript terraced house in Green Lanes, north-east London, they soon
realised it was no ordinary family home. The front door was so well fortified the officers had to smash a
hole in a wall, break down two heavy metal gates and knock through a triple-glazed window to get in.
"Upstairs, they broke through a sound-proof, 4in-thick door and found a torture chamber. Two large black
metal hooks had been screwed into the ceiling, and wired to the mains. Victims would be suspended and
beaten between electric shocks.
"They had made the mistake of crossing Abdullah Baybasin. Despite being wheelchair-bound since the
mid-1980s, the 45-year-old father of one headed a Kurdish and Turkish crime syndicate and was
considered to be one of Britain's most powerful gangsters.
"Baybasin co-ordinated a massive drug-smuggling ring, ran extortion rackets and forced other criminals
to pay him a "tax" for permission to operate. He is linked to more than a dozen brutal murders.

"The gangster, known as "Uncle", will be sentenced next month, having been convicted of plotting to
supply heroin. He pleaded guilty to conspiring to blackmail and pervert the course of justice. Ten other
members of his gang have been jailed for between five and 16 years for offences including kidnap and
supplying heroin.
"Baybasin came to England from Turkey in 1997 to claim asylum. Although unable to walk since he was
hit in the spine during a shoot-out in an Amsterdam bar, he managed to establish himself in north London
and recruited young Kurds to form a gang called the bombacilars, the bombers. Armed members would
force their way into shops and small businesses and demand money.
"On one occasion, 20 of them, armed with samurai swords, metal bars, pool cues and a gun, forced their
way into a Turkish café in Hackney, north-east London. One man had his index finger chopped off by the
gang and shots were fired.
"For years, Baybasin had ensured he was never in the same room as even the smallest quantity of drugs in
case of a police raid. But in March 2001 he became too closely involved in a deal, and that began his
downfall. Detectives hid a tiny video camera and microphones in the office behind a Green Lanes sports
club from which Baybasin was operating. The watchers say it was like spying on scenes from The
Godfather.
""People were clearly in awe of him," one says. "Baybasin would turn up two or three times a week.
People would come and kiss his hand. When he spoke, it would be in a soft whisper so only the people
closest to him could hear." Their cameras recorded shopkeepers and local businessmen being brought into
the room and beaten until they agreed to pay protection. "You could hear people being kicked and
punched. The violence erupted out of nowhere."
"Guns were distributed, petrol bombs were assembled and punishments for those who had refused to pay
were discussed. Police had footage of one of the gang members being stripped and threatened with a
machete over a breach of discipline. Fellow criminals did not escape Baybasin's attentions. Human
traffickers had to pay £1,000 for each person smuggled. Pimps and drug dealers would also hand over
money.
"Much of their fear stemmed from Baybasin's family connections and the reputation of his elder brother,
Huseyin, who is in prison in the Netherlands.
"Better known as The Emperor, Huseyin began his criminal life selling black-market cigarettes in Istanbul.
Then he moved into hashish trafficking, then heroin. As his business grew and the money began to roll in,
Huseyin bought business and property interests in Britain, including a seaside hotel in Brighton and
foreign exchange bureaus. He also owned dozens of beach resorts, electrical shops and car-hire
businesses along Turkey's southern coast.
"In 1984, he was arrested in London with a load of heroin and sentenced to 12 years. But after just three
years he was transferred to Turkey and immediately released, prompting allegations of high-level Turkish
corruption.
"In 2001, in Amsterdam, "the Emperor" was convicted on charges of conspiracy to murder, kidnapping
and drug smuggling and sentenced to 20 years, later increased to life. Abdullah moved in.
"Like many senior gangsters, Abdullah was also an informant for Customs and Excise, which allowed him
to sabotage rivals and operate with protection. This fell apart when the now-defunct National Crime
Squad began investigating.
"By the time of his arrest, police estimate he was controlling 90 per cent of Britain's heroin trade as well
as earning hundreds of thousands of pounds from blackmail and extortion.
"Angry members of the Green Lanes community got together and decided to fight back. In November 2002
a battle broke out between 40 men armed with guns, knives and baseball bats outside a café, the Dostlar
Social Club, in Green Lanes, owned by a relative of Baybasin. Twenty men were injured and an innocent
man, Alisan Dogan, a 43-year-old Kurdish cleaner, was knifed to death.
"A Met unit set up to tackle organised crime in the Turkish community remains active. The street price of
heroin is at an all-time low, proving supplies are plentiful and Turkish crime is as strong as ever.
"Outside the Kelkitt café in Green Lanes local businessmen were not breaking out the champagne. "The
Baybasins are a huge clan and they are everywhere," said one. "Abdullah has many relatives in London. I
don't believe we've heard the last of the Baybasins."" [11]
Here is a brief timeline of Abdullah's past transgressions:
• Mid-1980s: Hit in the back and paralyzed after a shoot-out in an Amsterdam bar.
• 1994: Comes to England with his brother Huseyin Baybasin, who informs the authorities about the
involvement of the government of Tansu Ciller in the heroin business.
• 1998: After the arrest of his brother in the Netherlands, suspected of being at the helm of £25 billion
heroin empire.
• 2004: Arrested in London after having been caught with 5.5 lb (2.5 kg) of heroin. Sentenced to 22
years in prison.
• 2010: A retrial acquits Abdullah Baybasin, setting him free. Immediately returns to Turkey.
• 2011: Abdullah is arrested in Turkey "on new drug supply allegations." [12]
• 2013: A British judge orders Abdullah to repay £700,000 after being found guilty of extensive
extortion rackets. He is still in jail in Turkey. [13]
That's right, even after his release from jail in 2010 British authorities continued to find evidence of
Abdullah's violent crimes. As for the Huseyin, locked up in the Netherlands:
• 1970: Claims to have been involved at this point, as a 14-year-old, in a series of arsons on ferryboats
in Istanbul. Claims he did various other dirty jobs for Turkish politicians.
• 1976: arrested with 11 kg (24 lb) hashish found in his house. Sentenced to 2 years in prison.
• 1985: Arrested in the UK for possession of a load of heroin and a fake passport. Sentenced to 12
years.
• 1989: Handed over to Turkey, where he is released after 4 months, "prompting allegations of high-
level Turkish corruption."
• 1989: Four days after his release from prison, apprehended again in Turkey for carrying an
unlicensed gun and narcotics. He flees abroad. Later claims the Turkish government wanted to force
him into working for them again as heroin trafficker.
• 1992: Turkish government puts out an additional arrest warrant on Huseyin after the affair with the
Kismetin-1 drug ship. His partner in the drug trade at this point was Kurdish mobster Behcet
Canturk, who apparently had government backing at this point. In January 1994 Canturk was
abducted and killed by Turkish anti-PKK militias.
• 1994: Appears in London again, along with his brother Abdullah and associates. Has become a UK
government informant about the involvement of Turkish officials in the drug trade. Soon moves to
the Netherlands, which, according to the Prosecutor's Office, "is the only place he feels safe... from a
group of Turkish state assassins." [14]
• 1995: Arrested in the Netherlands for smuggling narcotics on a ship with the name Lucky S. During
his arrest he claims his heroin trade was controlled and protected by Turkish government officials.
• 1998: Arrested as a result of an international police effort. He and his elder brother Abdullah are
suspected of being at the helm of £25 billion heroin empire. Sentenced to 20 years in prison. His
brother remains free for the time being. His lawyer is Adele van der Plas.
• 2002: Claims that Huseyin continues to run his international cartel right from his jail cell.
CIA/MI6/Turkish heroin politics behind Baybasin
In May 1996, while in jail on drug trafficking charges, Baybasin gives an interview to Aydınlık
("Illumination"), then a weekly magazine of the Workers' Party, the leading opposition group in Turkey. He
explains that the heroin transports are controlled by former police chief and then-minister of the interior
Mehmet Agar. [15] In another interview with the Volkskrant he explains that Turkish president Suleyman
Demirel and prime minister Tansu Ciller are equally involved. [16]
Demirel was President of Turkey from 1993 to 1996. Ciller was prime minister from 1993 to 1996 and
deputy prime minister and minister of foreign affairs in 1996 and 1997. Agar was director of security in
Istanbul in the early 1980s. From 1993 to 1995 he was the general director of the General Directorate of
Security, and with that effectively the national police chief. In 1996 Agar served as minister of justice and
minister of the interior.