Culture, community, cosmos: two temple orchestras of Tamil Nadu

13 Pages·1998·3.3 MB·English

by  Srinivasan, Amrit

Culture, Community, Cosmos:
TwoTemple Orchestras ofTamil Nadu'
AMRITSRINIVASAN
I
nthispaper', I shall attempt tosuggestthat classicalmusicanddancetraditionsare,
inaveryrealsense.social traditions.Thisisclearlyseenintheculturalmonopolies
operatingalonglinesofclass,sex.andcasteinthepracticeofparticularartisticskills.
The technical use of specific instruments in sanctioned contexts cannot be easily
dissociated from general social privileges and taboos, even though the link between
technology and society is more difficult to establish in the realm of art because of its
perceived purely creative and representational character. Of course, the 'freedom'
permittedtoan is only a function of its market significance today,bothas apublicand
privategood,butithasserved,verysuccessfully,inobscuringfromustheintricatenature
ofthelinkagebetween 'making' and 'doing'orartisticandethicalactivityinhumanlife.
Like language, an both expresses and enables society-this very basic premise has
become clouded in our perceptions because the pedagogic function of pleasure
(embodied. even today, inacquirednotions of 'distinction', 'taste" 'style'.etc.)haslost
out toits productfunction-an itemto be 'consumed' bytheindividual orthe mass,In
theprocess,ithasbecomeincreasinglydifficult(0establishtherootednessoftheworkof
art inanentire life-world and notjust a technical practice(Forsyth. 1966:Levi-Strauss,
1979; Bourdieu, 1996). While the truth of this is easily recognized in our everyday
experience-thedifficultyfeltforinstanceinrecognizing,letaloneappreciating,thework
ofartfroman'other'classorculture-itsdemonstrationprovesmoreviableinthecontext
oflocalvariations withinashared culturaltradition.
. With this in mind the paper will focuson two relatedtemple-orchestrasystems- the
periamelam(lit.'bigdrums' inTamil)andthechinnamelam (IiI.'smalldrums'inTamil)',
which were traditionally the hereditary specializations of the Isai Vellala', a politically
POwerful community of Tamil Nadu. The periamelam which was constituted of the
Nagaswaram (a kind of oboe), the Tavil or 'big' outdoor drum. the Ottu (drone) and
Cymbals,wasorganizedaroundthemaleNagaswaram virtuoso.TheChinnamelamwhich
wasconstitutedoftheMukha-vina(adiminutiveNagaswaram).theMridangamor 'small'
concert drum, the Tutti (a bagpipe-type drone) and cymbals, wasorganized around the
devadastorfemale dancer(Srinivasan. 1984).
Itwill be a basic premise of this paper thatin thepast, thedistinctionofperiamelam
'-1bispaperwaspresented.IQane,arlier.versionattheAn...Lu_vp,o""~"".n.....-1.""..".".:r-:o-e.nt.CoUoquiurooftheUni"miry
ofPennsylvania.IwishtothanktheparticipantsfortheircomrnenCSandcnucrsrns.- A.S.
Sangee!Natal Nos.129-130. 1998
4 AMRITSR!NIVASAN
andchinnamelamwasnotbasedonasimplesexualdivisionoflabouralone,demarcating
instruments and symbols appropriate to 'men's work' on theone hand and 'women's
work' ontheother. Rather, thegender divisionof peria andchinnaprovided anentire
cosmology linking god, (wo)man, and nature in the Tamil tradition of the auspicious
temple theatre-arts. As a mangala-vadya, it is true, the Nagaswaram shared inthe
auspiciousness of thedevadasi-the nitya sumangali. Butthis initialidentity had very
distinctive,formal-s-aestheticandconceptual-implications. Inthetechnical specialityof
theirmusic, thecomposition oftheirpersonnel, theinstruments used,and themodesof
transmission deployed, the periamelam and the chinnamelam were unique unto
themselvesandyetinextricablyboundtooneanother.
Quiteclearly,theoverallcommunitycontextwithin whicheachorchestraoperateddidDot
preventahighdegreeofprofessionalandartisticspecialization-keyattributes ofclassicism
inanyarttradition.Thepaperrejects,consequently, approaches toart history whichiguore
theembodimentofIndianaesthetictraditionsinparticularlocal andregionalcultures.Atthe
sametime,itseekstoovercomethemethodologicalbarrierswithinanthropologywhichcome
inthewayofunderstanding 'high' textual traditions in terms more familiarto thestudyof
whathavebeenconsidered 'folk' traditions(Dumont, 1957;Vatsyayan, 1979).
FortheIsai Vellalathemselves, art as acommunity function and a mode of livelihood
ensuredcompetenceandcontinuityofpractice. An extremelytelling metaphorwhichthey
usedtojustifytheirclaimtoartisticsuperiority was that ofthe plantain(vawi) whichkept
perpetuating itself over the years from the original parent stock (vazai-adi-vazal). Inlike
fashion, theyfelt it wasthe continuous propagation of their art which marked themapart
formtheirculturalrivals,theBrahmins, who neededto depend on fortuitous circumstance
for recruiting fresh talent. The Brahmins, it was further felt, dissipated their skills overa
wider compass of artistic petfonnances whichwas oftenof an amateur nature. The Isai
Vellala on the otherhand excelled in one and only one form ofmusic in their searchfor
excellence.
Theroleofthetempleinthisprofessionaldisciplinewasquiteexplicitlystated-agifted
individual mightfinditpossibletoexcel in many artsbut his rights to temple performanw
were restricted to only the one which was a hereditary monopoly. In their more lucid
moments theIsaiVellalainfactlinkedtheir community's prestige and artistic expertiseto
the divine sanction of the sectarian and technical literature-the Saiva and Vaishuava
Agarnas(whichdealwiththeperfonnativesciencesconnectedwithtemplereligion) andthe
Natyashasrra(dealingwiththesecularscienceofdramaturgyand deemedtheFifthVeda-
fortheenlightenmentandentertainmentof''the women andsudra").Itwasthecommunity's
physical rootedness inatemple andits society,furthermore, whichhelpedconcentrateand
develop skills.Inthepast, theclearphysicalboundaries ofeachtemple communityandits
comparative immobility had indeed led to an intensificationofsocial relations aruongthe
TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMlLNADU 5
artiststoaverynarrowspatialrange.Areascomprisingevenaslowasafifteen-mileradius
were mentioned. Most importantly, it had permitted a degree of aesthetic specialization
withinthecommunity which was consciouslyin tone withthe specificdemands oftemple
ritualperformance (Srinivasan, 1984).
Thetwoorchestras-theperiamelamandthechinnamelam- wereorganizedaroundthe
alliedartsofTamil bhakti worship: Sadir(dance),Nagaswaram (music),andnal1ul'Gngam
(danceconduction),withoutwhich nomajorshrinecouldfunctioninthepast Recruiunent
toeachorchestrawasrestrictedfrom withinthegrouponthebasisofvariousnaturaland
culturalcriteria such as (i) sex:the Nagaswaram was meanttobeperformed onlybymen
whiletheSadir,theclassical solodance ofTamil Nadu,was meanttobedancedonlyby
women; (ii) inheritance: 'shares' in the local service rights to the periamelam were
transmined through male links and to the chinnamelam through female links; (iii)
initiation:dedication tothedeity,seenasasimpleriteofincorporationforthemenandas
aspecialceremonyof'marriage'forthewomen,markedentranceintotheprofessionand
wascompulsoryfor theattainment oftheprivilegesassociatedwithtempleoffice;and(iv)
training:thepublic demonstrationofskillinone'sartsubsequenttoapprenticeshiptoone's
teacher was the necessarypreliminaryto a professional career. Participation ineach
orcbestraconsequently requiredboth technicalandhereditary qualification.
The peculiar combination of both was particularly evident in the case of the
chinnamelam which demanded "celibacy' on the part ofthe dancer by prohibiting her
access to the grihasta' way of life. (The male artists, on ll1e other hand, could marry
nonnallyandcombinetheirprofessionwithprivatedornesticity.)IIwasthetemplewhich
pennitted a resolution of this contradiction:the ceremonyof initiationintoitsservice
organization simultaneously declared.a woman's availability forliaisons with secular
patrons.Bysanctioningtheproductsofthesemixedunionsandgivingthememployment
initsservice organization, the temple permitted the perpetuation of achieved skillsas a
communityor'caste'vocationandmonopoly.Therequirementforbothheredityandskill
in temple positions presumed in fact a tightly-integrated community context. Self
SUfficiency in the training and performance of skills heightened localgroupcorporatism
andprofessionalism throughtheinternalorganizationofthepopulationintospecialistand
laysections.Itwasnotenoughtobeborn into the community;onehadtobecompetent
inorder to gainrights to temple service.Justasitwasdifficulttobecompetent inthe
particularservice unlessbornoradoptedand resident inthecommunity withitsinternal
training facilities. Professional divisions such as peria and chinnarnelam reflected
involutionandgreatersophisticationoftheartisticcommunityunderthe influenceofthe
bhakti temple institution. An examination now of the internal organization of the local
groupsassociated witheachaestheticspecializationwillhelptodemonstratethisfact:
6 AMRITSRINIVASAN
2
Periamelam
The periamelam services were provided by a patriarchal organization.The playingof
the Nagaswaram, conceived of as male work, was supported by an orchestra whose
members were also male and belonged very often to the same pirambirai (stock orkin
group). Service rights to temple work were the property not of individuals but oflocal
groupsandweretransmittedfromfathertoson.Though the roleofwomen wasnotdenied
in the perpetuation ofthe male line and hence of the ailtradition. they were strictlykept
out oftheprofessional life ofthe group.In the Nagaswaram tradition.to teach awoman
anyanasanoccupational interestwasseenasawasteandloss since shewould~ethe
knowledge and the secrets outofthe house when she married. Her possible successand
fame would notinany way reflect back on the tradition which had made her.In keeping
withtheiruniform domesticcode.thewomenoftheNagaswaram traditionwereseenas
contributing to thepirambirai only as wives and mothers.The standard attempttomany
one'sdaughterto astar pupilreflected a strategy for re-generating thepirambiraithrough
the consolidation of its artistic and generative resources. These kinds of marriages
permitted a continuing hold over the student and his talents and the daughter andher
offspring.
Conversely, one could seek to bring into the pirambirai women from outside who
belongedtowell-knownarttraditions,whoas'wives'wouldconsolidateone'sownartistic
capital.The men of the Nagaswararn oftensaid that they looked notjust for a girlfrom a
wealthy family but one from a gifted family when making matrimonial alliances.Money
couldcomeandgo,andtomarryarich girlmightnotevenmallyleaveanythingtoshowfor
itself; but to exchange with families of talent yielded benefits in the long run--benefits
which were much more permanent and lasting. It is significant that marriage with
undedicated girls of the chinnamelam took place quite frequently whereas periamelarn
women wererarely giventochinnamelam men.The periarnelam thereby setitselfapartas
the uniform "clean' householding section ofthe community performing a 'pure' maleart
form.
Givenitsconservativeattitudetowardsitswomen.theNagaswaram groupexhibited.a
patriarchal household tradition and ethic. Authority. hoth private andpublic.remained'"
thehandsofmen.Close-kinmarriagealliancesand functional cooperationinthecomJDOll
task oftempleserviceknitted theperiamelamhouseholds togetherinto acommunity.The
symmetry in the marital fate of the men and women and the uniform application ofthe
gender ideology to all membersofthe group supported the overall harmonic characterof
thesocialorganization.Thechinnamelam services, on the otherhand.were providedbya
group that failed to combine its diverse features under a single, overarching ideology·
whethermatriarchalorpatriarchal.
TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMILNADU 7
Chinnamelam
Inthedanceorganizationbothmenand womenparticipatedpubliclyinthecommunity
artformbut this was not uniform throughout the group.There wasanasymmetryinthe
marital fate of community memberswhichreflectedback on the artorganization-a
sectionofwomen,thedevadasis,werenotintendedforgrihastalife.Allmen,ontheother
hand, could in theory marry and lead a 'normal' existence. The asymmetry and
disharmonyinthechinnamelamsocialorganizationhadaesth-eticconsequences.
Service rights in the local temple were the property of groups, not individuals,and
passed from mother to daughter. It was a special class of women, the tevaradiyal or
devadasisalone, who were eligible for the transmissionofthese professional privileges.
Aceremonyof 'marriage' to thelocaldeityinitiatedthemintotempleserviceatthesame
timelbalilexcluded Ihem from theendogamousunit.Theycontinued10resideinsteadin
theirnatal households and entered into sexualliaisons with thelocallandednobilitythat
assumed a fairly formal and enduring character. The female offspring of these unions
carriedforwardtheart tradition.Incontrast.thenon-dedicatedwomen(brothers'orsons'
daughtersasalsothose who, thoughin thedirect lineofmatrilineartransmission,were
excludedfromtheprofession becauseofalackofgood looksordancingabilities)married
and formed part of their husbands' households. Often, they provided the vocal
accompaniment to the dance. The men of the community, on the otherhand, were
uniformlypermittedtomarryand resideattheirmothers' homeswithwivesandchildren.
Theyspecialized in dance-training or the orchestral accompaniment10thedance. Ifthe
performancewasrestrictedtowomen,theconductionofthedanceasalsoitsteachingwas
inthecontrolofmen-the nattuvanar.
The dominance of women in the dasi household lent a certain complexity to the
chinnamelamsocialorganization.Howwasforinstancethenanuvanar,adependentinhis
mother's or sister's household-to assert his authority vis-a-vis a female student?
Normallythiswasachievedbyensuring thatthestudentwasfromadistincthousehold.BUI
withtheachievementofaspecialrenown,thenattuvanar'ssubordinatepositioninhisown
borneclearlyled to an ambiguoussituation.Giventhestrongauthorityofthefemalehead
ofthehousehold(theseniorwomanortaikkizhavi),anymanwithself-esteemwould,itwas
Considered,moveoutwheneverpossibleandreignsupremeinhisowndomain.There is
nodenying,ofcourse,thatonlythosemenwereabletopursuesuchanindependentcourse
ofaction whoseexcellence in theprofessionwasparticularly recognized and who we~
economicallysolvent.Financially,infact,themanwhosetuponhisownhadmuchI?gam
smceheWas under no further obligation topool hisearningswith hisIllOlherandSISters.
Fortheinstrumentalist residential separationalonecouldbringindependentpublicstatus
asaconcenartistandnotmereaccompanisttowomen.Forthedanceguru,thiswasdoubly
truesincehecontinuedtobeassociatedwithwomenprofessionally.
8 AMRITSRINIVASAN
3
Prominent dance teachers and conductors shared the limelight with the dasiatevery
stageofherprofessionalcareer.As students, thedasisfeared andrespectedtheirguruand
honoured and worshipped him at various rites ofpassage in their households whichthe
nattuvanar wasoftencalleduponto witness. Even incommunity matters, itwasoften
nattuvanars who, along with the Nagaswararn men, arbitrated disputes and supervised
propertydivisionswithinindividualhouseholds. The respectgranted to the nattuvanaras
a teacher and family guru, even leader, could not beaccounted for however underany
diffusekinship orhousehold obligation.
It was the access of the devadasis to community gurus (not husbands), particularly
knowledgeable in the solo, graceful, female classical dance, which made the Sadir
tradition reap rich economic and aesthetic dividends. Members ofthe communityoften
relatedthesophisticationoftheirartasaconcert itemtotheintroversionoftheirtradition
with respect to the teaching and management of the dance. It was ofcourse a highly
competitive and selective process by which especially talented men of the community
developed, against all odds, a household or 'gharana' tradit;on for themselves.
independentoftheirillustriouswomen.Inevitablythereforefor the community,thesearch
for maleself-sufficiency andexcellence had spatial and social concomitants.
In purely numerical terms as well. the exclusion ofa section of thewomenfrom
marriageexchangeledtoaproportionate accumulationofunmarried meninthesystem
Adoptionoffemalechildren, whetherfrom within or without the community,didoccur,
but primarily for purposes of temple dedication, and so the problem remained.nlU~
despite the overall preponderance of womeninthedasicommunity notedinthe early
censusreports,the menwouldbein'excess' interms of thenumberofmarital partners
available.The necessitytherefore for brothers and sons to 'hang on' to theirsiSle" and
mothers was a function oftheir inability to marry, in the face both of female economic
predominance and temple dedication within the community, This meant that thosewho
did get to marry were favoured in one way or another-either through having wealthy
female relatives who arranged on their behalf to 'get' a wife, or through theirown
professional Success which made it possiblefor them to afford a wife. Clearly,thelatter
was more likely to lead on to residential independence. Marriage, consequently,when
accompanied by the ability to move out of the mother's household and set up onone's
own with wife and children, was a demonstration of decisive dominance withinthe
community. It also reflected claims to purity and social status of a kind to whichthe
devadasis could not by the very definition of their morality and life.style aspirt
(Srinivasan, 1996).
mon:
Nowhere was thismoreinevidencethan inthe markedtendencydisplayed bythe
prestigiousnanuvanar traditionsnotonly toprohibittheirgirls aprofessional careerhotto
WIthhold them from marrying into a devadasi family. Normally, the asymmell)' of
TWOTEMPLEORCHESTRASOFTAMILNADU 9
professional exchanges within the dance tradition was balanced by the continuing
reciprocity of marriage exchange between the men and (undedicated) women. A
household, furthermore,mightstandina studentrelationtosomeand aguru relation to
others.Thechancesofpermanentstructuralasymmetrywithinthedanceorganizationwere
inthisway obviated. The closure, consequently, and aggravated specializationdisplayed
bythe more prominentguru traditions was seenbymany membersofthe community as
having become counterproductive for the act. According to them, such extreme
professionalismmade itunprofitableforthegirlstodance.Theaccumulationofwealthand
powerinafew hands destroyed communityand itsgive-and-take',Theconservatismand
exclusivism of themale dance-gurus was morethan evident inthe close resemblance
between thecomposition and structure oftheirhouseholds and those of theNagaswaram
players described earlier. There were, however, two major differences: (i) as a formof
domesticarrangement.thenattuvanarhouseholdwasnotuniformthroughoutthedevadasi
community;and(ii)itdidenterintoprofessionalallianceswithotherhouseholdsinvolving
women.
Theinstability andheterogeneityof thechinnamelarns residentialarrangementswas
matchedbytheethical hiatusbetween marriedand unmarriedfemalecodes,performative
(female) and managerial (male) power. The rather specialized and self-conscious
separationofthe male leachingandcontrolfunctionwithin afemaleperformingartled10
afundamentalstructuralambivalence inthechinnamelamsocialorganizationwhich was
at variance with the more homogeneous social context of the periamelam. What is
significanttoourpurpose,however, isthatthemediatinggridofperiaandchinnadidnot
operate at thelevel of community existencealonebut permeated the very structure
instrumental and pcrfonnative-ofthe art organizationitself. Asthetablecomparingthe
chinna and periarnelam indicates (p, 10 and II), gender variations of male and female
were evident notmerelyintheinstruments-human and material-deployedinthetwo
orchestras.butalsointheartistictechniques andmodesoftransmissionpractised.
4
Theperiaandchinna classificationexaminedabove.insocietyandperfonnativeart,is
only oneexample of the tremendous extensivity of meaning achievedbygenderinthe
Tamilculturalcontext.Indeed,bythe sixthcenturyonwards,awaveofHindubhaktihad
giventheerotic,aestheticdomaintheologicalsignificance. HaloedtheatricalconventIons
ofman-womanrelations inpoetry anddrama.music and dance-such asthe nayaka
nayaki bhava'-were now deployed in the ritual domain. making it more popular and
pleasing. Communityorchestras like theperiarnelarn andchinnamelamwerebroughtinto
to
thetemple serviceorganizationaspartofthese largerdevelopments, performeitherat
Comparison orIhe !'erlamelamand Chinnamelam
Pullum'lam Chlnnamelam
Instrument QualityorMu!oic Jnsrrumem QualilyofMusic
Nagaswarutn Mllklwv;ncl
R~edwoodwind Loudtone Reed woodwind Softtone
Mouth-blown Low,deeppitch Moulh-blown High,lOhrillpitch
u rge(2~-footlong) 2!-oc.-1avecompa~s Small(IO-inchlong) J!-octaveoompa.ss
Outdoor instrument Unsuitedforaccompaniment Concert(indoor)instrument Suited foraccompaniment
Tavil Mridangam
Woodendrum Woodendrum
Played with sticks Loudtone Played withwrist,hands Finetone
Largeand high Elongated. narrow Standa~dJ.0ncertaccomgan\)lcnt
Outdoorinstrument Nagaswaramaccompanimentonly Concen (indoor)instrument tvocat, ance,mstrum nta
OUU Tuui/Sruti-peni
Reed woodwind Droneaccompaniment for Bellows-typewind (mouth- Droneaccompanimentforconcerts
Mouth-blown Nagaswaramonly blown/mechanical)
To/am To/am
Metalcymbals Metalcymbals
Bothbronze.flatand Nagasweramaccompaniment Onebronze(large.flat) Dance accompaniment
heavy Dull beat One silver(small.concave) Staccatobeat
Breath Pure melody Voice Lyricalaccompanimenttodance;
verse andmelodyinsustained
balance
lIuman Composition andOrganization
Perlamelam Chinnamclam
· ·
MalebandfocusedonthemaleNagaswaramvirtuoso Maleandfemalebandfocusedonfemaledancer
·
• TwoNagaswaramartistsminimal,duplicatingeach other'sart Soloperformance bydancer.conductedby guru-musician
· ·
Mechanicalsolidarity(simplehierarchy)betweenmembers: Organicsolidarity(permanenthierarchy)betweenmembers:
- pcrforrnativeandcontrolfum:tionscentralized - performative(dancer)and control(dance-conductor)functionsdichotomized
- ri....alry andcompetitionbetween NagaswaramandTavilartists - authority80ddependencebetweennauuvanurand dusi
- multiplicati.onofpri.ncip,,1performers poslIible - multiplicillionofprincipallpcrformerl>absentbut pairingpossible
AestheticAttributesandFunctions
Perlamelam Chinnamelam
· ·
Sangeetagenre Sahityaandsangeetagenre
· ·
Accompanimenttogod(unsuited forhumanaccompaniment) Accompanimenttodancer only
· ·
Playsfirstatallritualperiodsoftempleworship Playsateveningritualperiodofworship alone
· ·
Performs generalized functions ofhonouratcoronationsand Neverplaysforgoddess or 'rival' andplaysonlywhendance honours
goddess festivals arebeingprovided tothegod
· ·
Atfestivals: Atfestivals:
Vira(heroic,vigorous) rasaor 'flavour' predominates Sringara(sensual, sweet) rasaor'flavour' predominates
Specialcompositions- MallariandNatai- andmartial Specialcompositionsofsongs, voicedrhythmicsyllables (solukkattu)
music(puremelody,nolyrics)initiateprocessions accompany procession
Alarippu(prelude)togod'sarrivalonstreets,playedby Melaprapti(prelude) todancer'sarrival onstreetsplayedbyMridangam
TavilandTalam andTalum
PlaysonallfourstreetsexceptsmallsectionofEastStreet PlaysonlyonEastStreetatthestartandfinishofgod'sperambulation
whenitissilentanddasissing oftemple
ModesofArtisticTransmission:TheGurukulam
Pertametem Chinnamelam
· ·
Teaching relationbasedonhierarchyofageandskillbetween Teaching relationbasedonhierarchyoffunction, age,andskill
twomen between menandwomen
· ·
Asymmetrybetween guruandstudentrestrictedtotrainingperiod Asymmetryinguru-student relationpermeatesentiredancingcareer
· ·
Definitetennination ofapprenticeshipperiodwithguru Lifelongcontrolofguruoverstudentthroughdanceconduction even
·
Thevidwan independentofguruandcapableof'replacing him' afterarangetramwhichmarkstheendofapprenticeship
· ·
Bondi'>oflikeness(mechanicalsolidarity)predominate Seniordancer(taikkizhavi) cooperates withanddoesnot'replace' guru
·
Bondsoflikenessanddifference (organicsolidarity)predominate
1Z AMRITSRISIVASAN
the daily/festival honours(upachara/seva) offered to the god; or as accompanimentsto
thetheatreofhisexploitscelebrated inthe temple'.
The nayaJca nowbecame easily identified as the lIero-God-the singular andunified
'legal personality' who was owner of the new temple corporation--the srikovil or
'structural temple'-materially and metaphysically quite distinct from the roadsideor
private family shrine. The Goddess, on the other hand, became split as per theatrical
conventionintothesvakiya-nayika ordivineconsort, housed inthesameshrine asthe
Hero-God. and the parakiya-nayika or 'other woman'. in dynamic integration and
oppositiontotheformer,
From the eighth century onwards, this fundamental heterogeneity in goddess
representations foundconcretearchaeologicalexpressionin the building of a separate
shrine tothegoddesswithintheenclosureof the srikovil,close to butnoIidentifiedwith
the Hem-God.The theological and theatrical inclusion of Ihe parakiya-nayika into the
worshipcalendarof the srikovil simultaneously legitimated the recruitmentof hundreds
ofdevadasis-human embodiments of the 'other' love, which bhakti is also made01
into its service organization. As auspicious orchestras both the periamelam and
chinnamelam participated in the theatre oftemple worship, but it is not difficulttosee
how the former's music would be more adequate to express the powerful and unified,
energeticpresenceof thenayakaorHero-God; whilethe latter's musicwouldbemore
adequatetoexpressthevarietyofideas,actions,andemotionsappropriatetothenayaki
orHeroineinrelationtotheHero-God.
As theembodimentof relationalityper Sf, the"infinite variety"of possibilitiesfor
enactingthe nayakiorfemalepersonaincomparisontothemalepersonaornayakahas
been noted in the early dramaturgical texts by many scholars, and has been reiated
directly.inTamilSangampoetics.tothetheoreticalclassificationofgenresintoakamand
pltram-theeroticandtheheroic.TheFemininebelongsmoreauthenticallytotheformer
convention because fluxand variety is theverystuff thedomainoflove andintimacy
betweenmanandwomanismadeof.Justasthemasculinebelongsmoreauthenticallyto
the latter. conventionalized as the inflexible and steadfast public domain ofmartyrdom
and war (Raghavan, 1%3; Higgins, 1993; Ramanujan, 1996; Srinivasan, 1984; Stein,
1978). In the context of temple bhakti the periarnelam played to represent the
auspiciousness of the macrocosmic, awe-inspiring,and venerable loveduetogod as a
leader(reminiscentofthepuram genre);whilethe chinnamelarnplayedtorepresentinall
itsmicrocosmic varietytheauspiciousnessofintimateandinterpersonal loveduetogod
asalover(reminiscentoftheakam genre).
Therevolutionarynatureoftherelationshipestablishedbetweenreligion,civilsociety.
andclassicalart formsinSouth Indian templeHinduismreceivedtheologicaljustification
from the Agamas and Pancharatra texts ofcourse (Srinivasan. 1984). Butat thesocietd
level.itwastheradicalizationofgenderrelationswhichprovidedan impetusforthesame.