Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates

32 Pages·2011·7.96 MB·English

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Crime Counts: Methods,
Trends, and Correlates
Many large police departments employ policing models that emphasize community- connectedness . The
use of “intelligence-led” practices that are based on the collection and analysis of crime data facilitate
eff ective deployment of offi cers to areas that appear to require police attention.
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In one of many versions of Aesop’s fable about the three blind men and
CHAPTER OUTLINE
the elephant, a circus comes to town, and the residents of a home for the
Typologies of Crime
blind are invited to “experience” an elephant. When one blind man is led to
Measuring Crime
Methods of Collecting Data the elephant, he touches one of its legs. He feels its size and shape. Another
Ethics and the Researcher
man happens to touch the tail, and still another feels the trunk. Back at their
The Nature and Extent of Crime
Police Statistics
residence, they argue about the nature of the beast. Says the fi rst man, “An
V ictimization Surveys
S elf-Report Surveys elephant is obviously like the trunk of a tree.” “No,” says the second, “it’s like a
Measuring Characteristics of Crime
rope.” “You’re both wrong,” says the third. “An elephant is like a big snake.” All
Crime Trends
Locations and Times of Criminal Acts three are partly right, for each has described the part of the animal he has
Measuring Characteristics of
Criminals touched.
A ge and Crime
Gender and Crime Assessment of the nature and extent of crime often suff ers from the same
Social Class and Crime
shortcomings as the three blind men’s assessments of the elephant.
Ethnicity and Crime
Review
Researcher A may make assessments on the basis of arrest records.
Researcher B may rely on conviction rates to describe crime. Researcher C
may use the number of convicts serving prison sentences. None of the
researchers, however, may be in a position to assess the full nature and
extent of crime; each is limited by the kinds of data he or she uses.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
LO1 LO3 LO5
Understand the relevance of Compare and contrast the Discuss some of the general
crime typologies to the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR characteristics of criminals.
discussion of crime presented and UCR2), victimization
in this text. surveys, and self-report surveys.
LO2 LO4
Discuss the strengths and Provide an overview of the
weaknesses of the various amount and types of crime in
methods of collecting data. Canada.
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Questions about how crime is measured MEASURING CRIME
and what those measurements reveal about
the nature and extent of crime are among There are three major reasons for measuring the
characteristics of crimes and criminals. First of all,
the most important issues in contemporary
researchers need to collect and analyze informa-
criminology. Researchers, theorists, and
tion to test theories about why people commit
practitioners need information in order to crime. One criminologist might record the kinds
explain and prevent crime and to operate of offences committed by people of different ages;
agencies that deal with the crime problem. another might count the number of crimes com-
mitted at different times of the year. But without
We begin this chapter with a brief introduc-
ordering these observations in some purposeful
tion to several broad categories of crime.
way, without a theory and a systematic set of
We then look at the objectives and methods
principles that explain how two or more phenom-
of collecting information on specifi c types of ena are related, scientists would be limited in
crimes. Next, we consider the limitations of their ability to make predictions from the data
the information sources criminologists most they collect.
The types of data that are collected and the
frequently use to estimate the nature and
way they are collected are crucial to the research
extent of crime in Canada. We then explore
process. Criminologists analyze these data and
how the characteristics of crimes and crimi- use their fi ndings to support or refute theories, to
nals are measured. revise theories, or to develop new ones. In Part II,
we examine several theories (including the one
outlined briefl y here) that explain why people
TYPOLOGIES OF CRIME commit crime, and we will see how these theories
have been tested.
The general term “crimes” covers a wide variety of One theory of crime causation, for example, is
types of crimes, with their own distinct features. that high crime rates result from the wide dispar-
Murder and arson, for example, are both crimes ity between people’s goals and the means avail-
but they also have unique elements. In murder, the able to them for reaching those goals. Those who
criminal intent takes the form of intending to kill lack legitimate opportunities to achieve their goals
another human being, whereas in arson the intent (primarily, people in the lower class) try to reach
takes the form of wrongfully burning property. them through criminal means. To test this theory,
Lawyers and criminologists have searched for a researchers might begin with the hypothesis (a
system of grouping the many types of crimes into testable proposition that describes how two or
coherent, rational categories, for ease of under- more factors are related) that lower-class individ-
standing, of learning, and of fi nding them in the uals engage in more serious crimes and do so
law books, and for the purposes of studying them more frequently than middle-class individuals
from both a legal and a criminological perspective. (See “Social Class and Crime” later in this chap-
Such categorizations are called “typologies.” ter.) Next, they would collect facts, observations,
The Canadian Criminal Code is made up and other pertinent information—called data—on
of parts that categorize offences. For example, the criminal behaviours of both lower-class and
Part VIII includes offences against the person and middle-class individuals. A fi nding that lower-
reputation, while Part IX includes offences against class persons commit more crimes would support
rights of property. The typology we have chosen the theory that people commit crimes because they
for this book seeks to accommodate both the es- do not have legitimate means to reach their goals.
tablished legal typology and the criminological T he second objective of measurement is to en-
objectives that are so important for the study of hance our knowledge of the characteristics of
crime from a sociological and behavioural per- various types of offences. Why are some more
spective. These categories are: likely to be committed than others? What situa-
tional factors, such as time of day or type of place,
• Violent crimes
infl uence the commission of crime? Experts have
• Crimes against property argued that this information is needed if we are to
prevent crime and develop strategies to control it
• White-collar and corporate crime (Chapter 9 deals with this subject).
Measurement has a third major objective:
• Drug-, alcohol-, and sex-related crimes
Criminal justice agencies depend on certain kinds
We discuss these categories in Part III. For of information to facilitate daily operations and to
now, it is important to keep these categories in anticipate future needs. How many persons fl ow
mind as we turn to a discussion of how crimes through remand centres and provincial correc-
are counted. tional facilities? How many will receive prison
30 Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates
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sentences? Besides the questions that deal with
the day-to-day functioning of the system (number
of beds, distribution and hiring of personnel),
other questions affect legislative and policy deci-
sions. For instance, what effect does a change in
law have on the amount of crime committed?
Consider Canada’s dangerous-offender legislation.
Does the prospect of serving an indefi nite amount
of time behind bars deter potential violent offend-
ers from committing crimes? Does fear of crime go
down if we put more police offi cers in a neighbour-
hood? Does drug smuggling move to another en-
try point if old access routes are cut off? These and
other potential changes need to be evaluated—and
evaluations require measurement.
Methods of Collecting Data
Given the importance of data for research, policy
making, and the daily operation and planning of
the criminal justice system, criminologists have
been working to perfect data-collection tech-
niques. Through the years, these methods have
become increasingly more sophisticated.
Data can be found in a wide variety of sources,
but the most frequently used sources are statistics
■ The census is a survey that provides information on all
compiled by government agencies, private foun-
Canadians, including those living in the far northern regions of
dations, and businesses. Familiarity with the
the country, which, as this photo reveals, are not always easily
sources of data and the methods used to gather
accessible. Most surveys used in social science research are
data will help in understanding the studies we
based on a sample that is considered representative of the
discuss throughout this book. The facts and ob-
population researchers are interested in studying. In 2010,
servations that researchers gather for the purpose
debate arose over whether or not Canadians should be able
of a particular study are called primary data.
to “opt out” of the long form Canadian Census (which asks for
Those they fi nd in government sources, or data
detailed information that some people don’t want to share
that were previously collected for a different in-
with the government). Allowing people to opt out has a num-
vestigation, are called secondary data.
ber of implications, including questions about how representa-
tive the census would be if not everyone participates in the
Surveys
long form version.
Most of us are familiar with surveys—in public-
opinion polls, marketing research, and election-
prediction studies. Criminologists use surveys to studied has an equal chance of being selected, is
obtain quantitative data. A survey is the system- called a random sample.
atic collection of respondents’ answers to ques- Surveys are a cost-effective method, but they
tions asked in questionnaires or interviews; have limitations. If a study of drug use by high
interviews may be conducted face-to-face or by school students was done one time only, the fi nd-
telephone. Generally, surveys are used to gather ing of a relationship between drug use and poor
information about the attitudes, characteristics, or grades would not tell us whether the drug use
behaviour of a large group of persons, who are caused bad grades, whether students with bad
called the population of the survey. Surveys con- grades turned to drugs, or whether bad grades and
ducted by criminologists measure, for example, drug-taking resulted from some other factor, such
the amount of crime, attitudes toward police or as lack of a stable family. Panel studies, which re-
toward the sentencing of dangerous offenders, as- peatedly survey the same sample at various points
sessment of drug abuse, and fear of crime. in time, address this problem. Not surprisingly,
Instead of interviewing the total population they are more costly than cross-sectional studies.
under study, most researchers interview a repre-
sentative subset of that population—a sample. If a
Experiments
sample is carefully drawn, researchers can gener-
alize the results from the sample to the popula- The experiment is a technique used in the physi-
tion. A sample determined by random selection, cal, biological, and social sciences. An investiga-
whereby each person in the population to be tor introduces a change into a process and makes
Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates 31
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measurements or observations to evaluate the attainment, one might make use of the Uniform
effects of the change. Through experimentation, Crime Reports (see “Police Statistics” later in this
scientists test hypotheses about how two or more chapter), together with information found in the
variables (factors that may change) are related. The census and other reports of Statistics Canada.
basic model for an experiment involves changing Various other agencies, among them the Canadian
one variable, keeping all other factors the same Centre for Justice Statistics, the Correctional Service
(controlling them, or holding them constant), and of Canada, and the Department of Public Safety
observing the effect of that change on another vari- and Emergency Preparedness, are also excellent
able. If you change one variable while keeping all sources of statistics useful to criminologists.
other factors constant and then fi nd that another For criminologists interested in studying crime
variable changes as well, you may safely assume internationally, the manner in which crime is
that the change in the second variable was caused counted in different countries is of special concern.
by the change in the fi rst. Experiments in the real Although some countries do not yet have the re-
world are costly and diffi cult to carry out, but they sources for systematically collecting information on
have the advantage of increasing scientists’ ability their crime problems,1 the great majority send sta-
to establish cause and effect. tistics to the International Criminal Police
M ost experiments are done in laboratories, but Organization (Interpol), which publishes the data
it is possible to do them in real-world, or fi eld, set- biannually, 2 or participate in the United Nations
tings (hence the name fi eld experiment). In 1998, Surveys of Crime Trends, Operation of Criminal
seven police offi cers working the Downtown Justice Systems, and Crime Prevention Strategies.
Eastside beat in Vancouver embarked on a project The UN surveys, published periodically, began
that, while not intentionally planned as a fi eld ex- with data for the year 1970 and by now include sta-
periment, resulted in some interesting fi ndings. tistics from well over 100 countries on prevalence of
Calling themselves the “Odd Squad,” these offi - crime and the operation of criminal systems.3
cers set out to create an educational video on drug Several other international databases are avail-
abuse. They spent a year documenting the lives of able to the researcher, including the homicide sta-
drug users, recording the horror of drug abuse, tistics of the World Health Organization;4 the
the extreme poverty suffered by users, and illus- private-initiative Comparative Crime Data File,
trating life and death on the street. The end result which covers 110 sovereignties (published 1984);5
was a powerful award-winning fi lm, Through a and the Correlates of Crime (published 1989).6
Blue Lens, which has captivated audiences for over International (or nation-by-nation) crime sta-
a decade. The fi lm is an effective educational tool, tistics suffer from the same problems as Canadian
but perhaps just as provocative is the story it tells UCR statistics (discussed later in this chapter),
of the interaction between the police and the sub- only magnifi ed several times. 7 Consequently , to
jects of the fi lm. Using the camera as a catalyst, obtain a more accurate picture of the crime situa-
police offi cers interacted candidly with the sub- tion in various countries, researchers have de-
jects of their fi lm, and developed friendships with vised two additional statistical instruments:
them. They became more sympathetic to the peo-
1. The International Crime Victim Survey
ple they were fi lming; the drug addicts, in having
(ICVS). Beginning in 1989 and working
friendship extended to them by the police and
through 1997, a group of researchers from
fi lmmakers, developed self-esteem. In some cases,
various countries and research centres has
they reached out for help and cleaned up. The fi lm
conducted three victimization surveys
is a testament to the positive social change that can
in numerous developed (industrialized)
result when people look past their respective
and developing countries; 130 000 people
labels—such as police offi cer or drug addict—and
were interviewed around the world, in
see each other as human beings.
40 languages. 8
Using Available Data in Research 2. A self-report study has measured delinquen-
cy among 14- to 21-year-old subjects in 12
Researchers often depend on secondary data col-
countries, extending to property, violence,
lected by private and public organizations. The po-
and drug criminality. This 1992 survey did
lice, the courts, and corrections offi cials, for example,
not include developing countries.9
need to know the number of persons passing
through the criminal justice system at various points A comparison between the “offi cial” crime rates
to carry out day-to-day administrative tasks and to of the UN surveys and the victimization rates
engage in long-range planning. It is not always fea- shows that the two are reasonably related, although
sible to collect new data for a research project, nor is victimization studies usually show higher crime
it necessary to do so when such vast amounts of rates and tend to fl uctuate over the years more than
relevant information are already available. the UN survey rates. One may cautiously conclude
To study the relationship between crime and that the UN survey rates provide a fairly reasonable
variables such as average income or educational account of crime rates for most countries.
32 Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates
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TABLE 2.1 Research Methods Used by Criminologists
Method Advantages Disadvantages
Survey Cost effective Poor response rate
Can reach large number of respondents Cannot probe beyond listed questions
Ensure anonymity Diffi cult to establish cause-effect
relationships
Experiment Can help establish cause and effect Contrived laboratory setting
Field experiments can be costly
Participant Observer Get a “real” look at lifestyle of subjects Can be dangerous
Can probe aspects of life that cannot be Gaining entry/acceptance can be
reached through a survey diffi cult
Case Study Detailed look at lives of subjects Time-consuming
Not generalizable
Secondary Data Cost-effective way of doing research Must depend on others’ data collection
Data may not have been collected with
the goals of the present study in mind
Researchers who use available data, interna- tions, subject them to thematic analysis, and use
tional, national, or local, can save a great deal of them to subjectively interpret cultural and social
time and expense. However, they have to exercise meanings. Qualitative research is often used to
caution in fi tting data not collected for the pur- study topics about which relatively little is
pose of a particular study into their research. known; in this regard it tends to be exploratory in
Many offi cial records are incomplete or the data nature. This type of research is “emergent” or
have been collected in such a way as to make well-suited to “situations in which preconceived
them inadequate for the research. It is also fre- notions are purposely limited and where the in-
quently diffi cult to gain permission to use agency tent of the researcher is a more gradual process of
data that are not available to the public because of discovery as the study unfolds.” 10 Elliot Eisner, a
a concern about confi dentiality. Table 2.1 provides well-known educational researcher, has written
a summary of the strengths and weaknesses of extensively on qualitative research methods.1 1
research methods available to criminologists. Table 2.2 lists the six features that he states “make
a study qualitative.” 1 2
Qualitative Research Participant and non-participant observation
are qualitative research methods that help to
Qualitative research is differentiated from the
illustrate Eisner’s six points.
type of research we’ve been discussing thus far in
the chapter by its focus on “data” that are ob-
Participant and Non-Participant
served, described, and interpreted. Whereas nu-
Observation
merical data gathered by government agencies
and researchers can be subject to quantitative Observation is the most direct means of studying
analysis that results in tables, fi gures, and statisti- behaviour qualitatively. R esearchers who engage
cal summaries, qualitative data often requires the in participant and non-participant observation
researcher to carefully scrutinize her observa- use methods that provide detailed descriptions of
TABLE 2.2 Six Features of a Qualitative Study, According to Elliot Eisner
1. The study is fi eld focused.
2. The study employs the self as an instrument.
3. The study has an interpretive character.
4. The study makes use of expressive language and the presence of voice in text.
5. The study pays attention to particulars.
6. The study is believable because of its coherence, insight, and instrumental utility.
Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates 33
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For me it was the longest night of the year as I
waited for the decision. The issue was hotly
debated, a vote was held, and the study ap-
proved. Why? Granting me permission for the
study was done as a “personal favour:” “You
have come into favour with a lot of the mem-
bers and been nothing but g ood to the club.
All in all you’ve been a pretty righteous friend
of the club. But there was a lot of opposition
to your study, especially from guys like T. T.
[Terrible Tom] and Blues. The way I see it the
vote went the way it did because you were
asking us a favour. You didn’t come in prom-
ising us the moon, you know, money from
books and that sort of thing. You promised us
nothing so we did it as a personal favour”
■ Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside: An individual is hand- (Wee Albert) [Wee Albert was the fi rst friend
cuffed and detained after a “street fi ght.” Wolf made when he started the study].1 3
Observations of groups in their natural setting
life as it actually is lived— in prisons, gangs, and afford the researcher insights into behaviour and
other settings. attitudes that cannot be obtained through such
Investigators may play a variety of roles in ob- techniques as surveys and experiments.
serving social situations. When they engage in Another example of qualitative research is the
non-participant observation, they do not join in case study. A c ase study is an analysis of all perti-
the activities of the groups they are studying; they nent aspects of one unit of study, such as an indi-
simply observe the activities in everyday settings vidual, an institution, a group, or a community. The
and record what they see. Investigators who en- sources of information are documents such as life
gage in participant observation take part in many histories, biographies, diaries, journals, letters, and
of the activities of the groups to gain acceptance, other records. A classic demonstration of criminolo-
but they generally make clear the purpose of their gists’ use of the case-study method is found in
participation. Edwin Sutherland’s T he Professional Thief , which is
When a researcher goes into the “fi eld” to ob- based on interviews with a professional thief.
serve the phenomenon of interest in its natural Sutherland learned about the relationship be-
state, the broad term used to describe the method tween amateur and professional thieves, how
is fi eld research . The fi eld researcher, as partici- thieves communicate, how they determine
pant observer, takes extensive fi elds notes that are whether to trust each other, and how they net-
subsequently coded and analyzed for major work. From discussions with the thief and an
themes. E thnography is an example of fi eld re- analysis of his writings on topics selected by the
search with roots in anthropology; it includes a researcher, Sutherland was able to draw several
variety of practitioners and methods. Originally conclusions that other techniques would not have
used to describe the study of a phenomenon in yielded. For instance, a person is not a profes-
the context of its culture, which traditionally was sional thief unless he is recognized as such by
tied to a particular ethnic group or geographic lo- other professional thieves. Training by profes-
cation, today ethnography is used to describe sional thieves is necessary for the development of
fi eld research that focuses on any group or orga- the skills, attitudes, and connections required in
nization. The ethnographer immerses himself in the “profession.” 14 One of the drawbacks of the
the culture, group, or organization as an active case-study method is that the information given
participant. Daniel Wolf’s work provides a good by the subject may be biased or wrong and by its
example of this style of qualitative research. nature is limited. For these reasons it is diffi cult to
After months of riding with the Rebels outlaw generalize from one person’s story—in this
motorcycle group, partying with them, fi ghting instance—to all professional thieves.
with them against rival groups, and developing The diffi culty in generalizing from a particular
friendships with them, Daniel Wolf describes the qualitative study to broader society is one of the
delicate predicament he was in when it was time to reasons that there exists some “ill will” between
ask the group if he could use his experiences with the followers of quantitative and qualitative re-
them as the basis for his doctoral dissertation. He search. The confl ict centres around the issue of
fi rst ran the idea by the leaders of the club, who which approach constitutes “real science;” quan-
agreed to present it to the membership for a vote at titative researchers argue that the objective ap-
the next general meeting of the club. Wolf describes proach, based in numbers that can be generalized
his feelings as he waited for the decision: make this type of research “real social science.” 15
34 Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates
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Denzin and Lincoln counter that qualitative re- The unsettling aspect of this case for many re-
search methods have expanded in scope and pop- searchers is the fact that the university’s adminis-
ularity and are rapidly displacing quantitative tration and ethics committee left Ogden on his
methods.1 6 A middle of the line approach might own to fi ght to protect the confi dentiality guaran-
be best, recognizing that each type of research has tee so integral to criminological research. 19
its strengths and limitations; each may be better Ogden’s case also indirectly illustrates another
suited for particular topics of study. In fact, many issue that some researchers grapple with: value
argue that the best research often uses a “mixed neutrality. Although one of the goals of the scien-
method” approach, combining multiple research tifi c method, which social scientists such as crimi-
methods. This perspective is best expressed by nologists ascribe to, is value neutrality, it is diffi cult
Johnson and Turner: “Methods should be mixed in some instances to achieve complete objectivity.
in a way that has complementary strengths and Ogden felt compelled to respect the guarantee of
non-overlapping weaknesses.” 1 7 confi dentiality he made to his subjects, even when
faced with a trial and little support from the uni-
Ethics and the Researcher versity that had approved his ethics proposal.
Wolf, in the study cited earlier in this chapter, de-
In the course of their research, criminologists en-
veloped bonds of friendship with his fellow bik-
counter many ethical issues. Ethics review com-
ers, who were also his research subjects. How do
mittees at most universities and government
researchers deal with the fact that human emo-
agencies check all proposals for research projects
tions cannot be “shut off” when they conduct their
to ensure the protection of human subjects. In ad-
research? These researchers would argue that, as
dition, researchers are required to inform their
diffi cult as it is, it is possible to conduct good,
subjects about the nature of the study and to ob-
criminological research that embodies the main
tain written and informed agreement to partici-
objectives of the scientifi c method in spite of the
pate. They are also required, where necessary, to
fact that researchers are subjective beings. In fact,
ensure confi dentiality.
many would argue that their research has been
Because of heightened awareness of the ethical
enriched by their rejection of value neutrality.
issues involved in human experimentation—
particularly in correctional institutions, where coer-
cion is diffi cult to avoid—social science researchers,
THE NATURE AND EXTENT
including those in the fi eld of criminology and
criminal justice, are bound by the ethical principles OF CRIME
found in the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical
Conduct for Research Involving Humans. 18 The guide- As we have seen, criminologists gather their infor-
lines include respect for human dignity, free and mation in many ways. The methods they choose
informed consent, vulnerable persons, privacy and depend on the questions they want answered. To
confi dentiality, justice, and inclusiveness. In addi- estimate the nature and extent of crime in Canada,
tion, researchers must balance the harms and they rely primarily on the Uniform Crime Reports
benefi ts of their research and must minimize harm (UCR), discussed below, data compiled by the po-
to their subjects. lice, and on national crime victimization surveys,
The case of Russel Ogden, a graduate student which measure crime through reports by victims.
from Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Researchers may also use self-report surveys,
is a fascinating example of ethics regulations in which ask individuals about criminal acts they
universities and their effect on both researchers have committed, whether or not these acts have
and their subjects. Ogden did his master’s thesis come to the attention of the authorities. Once data
on the topic of assisted suicides among people are collected, they are collated, examined, and
suffering from HIV/AIDS. When he submitted processed into statistics that provide insight into
his ethics proposal to the university’s ethics com- the nature of crime and victimization.
mittee, he indicated that he would offer his re- Offi cial statistics gathered from law enforce-
search subjects “absolute confi dentiality,” which ment agencies provide information available on
is entirely in keeping with ethical standards of the crimes actually investigated and reported by
conduct among researchers. After Ogden com- these agencies. But not all crimes appear in police
pleted his thesis, he was subpoenaed to appear in statistics. In order for a criminal act to be “known
Coroner’s Court and asked to provide informa- to the police,” the act must fi rst be perceived by
tion to the court regarding a death about which it an individual (the car is not in the garage where it
was thought he might have knowledge. When he was left). It must then be defi ned, or classifi ed, as
refused to testify, he was threatened with charges something that places it within the purview of the
of contempt of court. Ogden was subsequently criminal justice system (a theft has taken place),
faced with a court battle, which he won, based and it must be reported to the police. Once the
on the assertion that the information he gained police are notifi ed, they classify the act and often
was subject to researcher-participant privilege. redefi ne what may have taken place before
Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates 35
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recording the act as a crime known to the police. whether a relationship exists between location and
Information about criminal acts may be lost at frequency of break-and-enters would not do well to
any point along this processing route, and many interview prisoners. Rather, he or she should prob-
crimes are never discovered to begin with. ably focus on the top end of the funnel.
The data from what we have been referring to as
the top end of the funnel are police recorded data.
Police Statistics
Since 1962, police departments across Canada have
Police statistics are at the top of a symbolic crime reported crimes substantiated through police inves-
funnel , making them, in many ways, the best tigation to Statistics Canada (and since 1982 to the
source of offi cial crime data available to criminolo- Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS), a divi-
gists. The criminal justice system in Canada is an sion of Statistics Canada) in the form of the Uniform
institution consisting of police, the courts, and the Crime Reports (UCR) survey. The objective of the
correctional apparatus. The system is widest at the UCR is to provide police departments with a stan-
top, where cases initially come to the attention of dard set of procedures for the collection of crime-
the police and enter the system. (Technically, how- related information. The end result, following
ever, the widest part of the funnel would include collection and compilation by the CCJS, is a source
all the crimes that occur in a particular time pe- of uniform and comparable national data. These
riod. We will never really know this number for a data are made available to all levels of government,
variety of reasons, which we will discuss shortly). and related agencies, media, researchers, and aca-
The criminal justice system is described using the demics who are interested in using such data to ex-
metaphor of a funnel, because as we move further amine specifi c issues about crime. UCR data are
into the system, cases are lost, as they are fi ltered often presented in the form of crime rates, which
out by the various social control agencies. In other also make data from different regions, provinces,
words, the Canadian criminal justice system is a and cities in Canada comparable. Crime rates also
“volume-reducing” system. In a given time period make international comparisons possible because
a certain number of crimes occur, but only a per- they are a standardized way of presenting the data.
centage of those crimes come to the attention of
the police. In fact, police data are “report sensi- Crime Rates
tive” because they rely primarily on the reporting
To analyze crime data, experts frequently present
behaviour of victims and witnesses.
them as crime rates. Crime rates are computed by
Moving further into the funnel, it becomes ap-
the following formula:
parent that not all crimes reported to the police re-
sult in a charge being laid. Sometimes the offender number of
eludes detection; other times there isn’t enough evi- reported crimes
dence to lay a charge. Although counteracting to Crime rate 5 3 100 000
total population
some extent the loss of numbers at this stage in the
process, police often lay as many charges as possi- If we say, for example, that the homicide rate is
ble with the knowledge that several of the charges 2 (see Table 2.3), we mean that there were 2 homi-
may be dropped or pled down. Despite this prac- cides for every 100 000 persons in the population
tice, the fact remains that only a portion of offences under consideration (such as the total Canadian
known to the police move on to the court stage of population or all males in Canada). Expressing
the criminal justice system. We have already “lost” the amount of crime in terms of rates over time
cases: those cases that did not move into the court shows whether an increase or a decrease in crime
system. We also know that not all court cases or tri- results from a change in the population or a
als result in a conviction. Some people plea bargain, change in the amount of crime committed.
making a compromise with the Crown prosecutor, In addition to data on reported crimes, the UCR
and in other cases the accused will be acquitted. includes the number of offences cleared by arrest.
Regardless of the reason, the fact is that not every- Crimes may be cleared in one of two ways: by the
one who goes to court will end up in prison. More arrest, charging, and turning over to the courts of
cases are lost, and the end result is that the people at least one person for prosecution; or by disposi-
who end up in prison make up a very small per- tion of a case when an arrest is not possible, as
centage of total offenders. For criminologists, de- when the suspect has died or fl ed the jurisdiction.
pending on where and when in the process we get Besides reported crimes and crimes cleared by ar-
our data from, there are implications for our re- rest, the reports contain data on characteristics of
search fi ndings. A criminologist who wants to un- crimes (such as geographical location, time, and
derstand what kinds of background factors (family, place), characteristics of criminals (such as gender,
education, work, prior prison experiences) contrib- age, and race), and distribution of law enforcement
ute to the repeat offending of career criminals, personnel. We shall look at what these statistics re-
would do better to study offender case fi le records veal about the characteristics of crime and crimi-
or speak with imprisoned offenders. On the other nals in more detail later, but fi rst we must recognize
hand, a researcher who wants to investigate their strengths and limitations.
36 Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates
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TABLE 2.3 Crime Rate in Canada for Selected Offences, 2005–2009
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
rate per 100 000 population
All incidents 8535 8269 7698 7424 7224
Criminal Code offences (excluding traffi c offences) 7773 7518 6899 6588 6406
Crimes of violence 942 943 946 927 915
Homicide 2 2 2 2 2
Attempted murder 3 3 2 2 2
Assaults (level 1 to 3)1 733 735 726 715 708
Sexual assault 73 68 64 64 62
Robbery2 89 94 104 97 96
Other crimes of violence3 42 41 48 47 45
Property crimes 3736 3588 3337 3080 2967
Breaking-and-entering 809 768 703 630 610
Motor vehicle theft 495 487 442 376 321
Theft over $5000 53 52 53 50 46
Theft $5000 and under 1977 1889 1762 1658 1631
Possession of stolen goods 107 108 101 93 90
Frauds 295 284 270 273 269
Other Criminal Code offences 3086 2980 2620 2582 2523
Criminal Code offences (traffi c offences) 377 368 402 429 435
Impaired driving 243 228 241 254 263
Other traffi c offences4 134 140 161 175 172
Federal statutes 387 383 398 406 383
Drugs 290 295 308 307 289
Other federal statutes 97 88 90 99 94
1“Assault level 1” is the fi rst level of assault. It constitutes the intentional application of force without consent, the attempt or threat to apply force to another person, or
openly wearing a weapon (or an imitation) while accosting or impeding another person.
2Robbery counts have been revised for the years 1998 to 2007. Use caution when comparing these data with prior years.
3Includes unlawfully causing bodily harm, discharging fi rearms with intent, abductions, assaults against police offi cers, assaults against other peace or public offi cers,
and other assaults.
4Includes dangerous operation of motor vehicle, boat, vessel, or aircraft, dangerous operation of motor vehicle, boat, vessel, or aircraft causing bodily harm or death,
driving motor vehicle while prohibited and failure to stop or remain.
SOURCE: Adapted from Statistics Canada, http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-X/2010002/article/11292-eng.pdf. Mia Dauvergne and John Turner, “Police-
reported Crime Statistics in Canada, 2009,” Juristat, Statistics Canada. Catalogue no. 85-002-X, Vol. 30, no. 2. 2010.
Strengths and Limitations of the Uniform
both believe that a crime occurred. However,
Crime Reports
there are problems with the UCR as well.
The Canadian UCR was revised in 1984 (UCR2) in Despite the fact that the UCR is one of the main
an attempt to address some of the weaknesses sources of crime statistics, its research value has
with the original survey. First, we discuss some of been questioned. The criticisms deal with method-
the problems with the original UCR and then ological problems and reporting practices. In terms
briefl y discuss the changes that occurred with the of reporting, some scholars argue, for example,
revised UCR (UCR2). that fi gures on reported crime are of little use in
UCR data are invaluable to researchers be- categories such as breaking-and-entering, in which
cause they are collected on a national basis and in a majority of crime is not reported. The statistics
a standard format, making national comparisons present the amount of crime known to law enforce-
and year-to-year comparisons possible. Another ment agencies, but they do not reveal how many
advantage of this source of data is that in order crimes have actually been committed. People do
for a criminal event to enter into the UCR, the data not report their victimization to the police for a va-
must have passed through two fi lters—the person riety of reasons, including the belief that the police
reporting the crime to the police and the police can’t or won’t do anything to help, that the of-
offi cer who recorded it. 20 In other words, UCR fender might seek revenge or reprisal, or a desire
data are valid and reliable in the sense that two on the part of the victim to deal with the crime in
separate entities (victim/witness, police offi cer) his or her own way (such as forgetting it or seeking
Chapter 2 Crime Counts: Methods, Trends, and Correlates 37
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