Climate Change Advocacy and Ecological Modernization

151 Pages·2013·7.91 MB·French

Climate Change Advocacy and Ecological Modernization: The Symbolic Politics of
Carbon Tax Communication in British Columbia
by
Andrew Patrick, B.A.
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
School of Journalism and Communication
Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario
April, 2013
©2013, Andrew Patrick
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Abstract
This thesis explores communication of the carbon tax and climate change policy in
British Columbia (B.C.), Canada, by various environmental advocates and organizations
from January 1,2006 through August 31,2012. It adopts a form of argumentative
discourse analysis espoused by Maarten Hajer in its examination of two discourse
coalitions organized around the principles of both “weak” and “strong” ecological
modernization (Christoff, 1996). The analysis works from a conception of the carbon tax
as a product of deliberative interplay and details the shifting communicative dynamics
that have helped shaped the significance of policy over time. By examining various
written texts, I argue that communication about the B.C. carbon tax was largely
dominated by a weak ecological modem discourse coalition. The study concludes with
discussion on the potential implications for future advocacy efforts in the province,
emphasizing the role of communicative practice in the “green public sphere”.
Keywords: climate change, carbon tax, communication, discourse coalitions, Maarten
Hajer, ecological modernization, environmental movement, British Columbia.
Acknowledgments
My time at Carleton has offered an incredible wealth of new experiences and knowledge
for which I am deeply grateful. I would like to thank the staff and faculty in the
Communication Studies department for their generous support and insight into
communication scholarship, and for making my experience as engaging and enjoyable as
it was challenging.
I have benefitted immensely from the guidance of my thesis supervisor, Professor
Chris Russill, who has offered new and exciting perspectives on my research with every
discussion. I am also thankful for the encouragement and assistance of Professors Josh
Greenberg, Eileen Saunders, Ross Eaman, Michael Dorland, and Kirsten Kozolanka. To
my fellow graduate students, I could not have progressed as I have if it were not for the
wide-ranging discussions and feedback you have shared in so many different instances.
Your friendship is greatly appreciated.
To my family and Mends, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. The unwavering love and
support of my parents, Ruby and Jim, as well as my siblings, Jenn and Matt, has been
invaluable and I would not have been able to accomplish what I have without their help. I
am also indebted to my aunt and uncle, Donna and Ben, for their care and advice.
Finally, I would not be at this point in my life if I did not have the strength and
spirit of my partner Tiffany enlivening me at every turn. Tiffany, your love and creativity
have inspired me in so many ways and I aspire to give back even more. I am continually
honoured to share this path alongside you.
A special thank you to the Ontario Graduate Scholarship Program, whose financial
contribution helped make this research possible.
Dedicated to the memory of Maureen Woods
To Aunty Moe.
Table of Contents
Abstract - (ii)
Acknowledgments - (iii)
Dedication - (iv)
Table of Contents - (v)
Chapter One - Introduction (p. 1)
Chapter Two - Environmentalism and Climate Change Advocacy in British
Columbia (p. 10)
• 2.1 - Timeline: Environmental Advocacy and the Carbon Tax in B.C. (p. 11)
• 2.2 - Literature Review: B.C.’s Carbon Tax and Communication (p. 19)
Chapter Three -Theoretical Framework (p. 25)
• 3.1- Ulrich Beck: Risk Society, Reflexive Modernization and the Subpolitics of
Climate Action (p. 25)
• 3.2 - Ecological Modernization: Competing Visions for the Future (p. 32)
• 3.3 - Environmental Movements, The Green Public Sphere, and Media (p. 39)
Chapter Four - Research Methodology and Methodological Issues (p. 47)
• 4.1 - Discourse Coalitions and Methodological Framework (p. 49)
• 4.3 - Methodology: Communication and the B.C. Carbon Tax (p. 54)
• 4.4 - Data Collection and Materials (p. 55)
• 4.5 - A Note on Environmental Organizations and Actors (p. 61)
Chapter Five - Discourse Analysis: Results and Discussion (p. 62)
• 5.1- Setting the Discursive Context: An Illustrative Example (p. 63)
• 5.2 - Discourse Coalitions and the Strength of Ecological Modernization (p. 67)
• 5.3 - Storylines: “Weak” Ecological Modernization Coalition (p. 68)
• 5.4 - Storylines: “Strong” Ecological Modernization Coalition (p. 74)
• 5.5 - Practicing Symbolic Politics: Movement, Media and State (p. 83)
• 5.6 - Shaping a Reformed Carbon Tax and the Ascendancy of Natural Gas (p. 90)
Chapter Six - Conclusion (p. 95)
Appendix One -Discourse Coalitions: Environmental Organizations and Actors (p.
110)
Appendix Two - Search Terms (p. 118)
References - (p. 119)
1
Chapter One
Introduction
Why has there not been a “storming of the Bastille” over climate change? This rather
provocative query, posed by German sociologist Ulrich Beck (2010, p. 254), may indeed
reach beyond the bounds of this humble thesis, but it is admittedly a question that has sat
in the back of my mind since reading it. After letting its weight sink for a moment, a
torrent of counter-provocations usually come to mind; “Is climate change really the type
of problem that calls for such a “revolution”? If so, revolt against who or what? What sort
of revolution would this look like? What understanding of climate science and political
change does this imply? What would be the consequences of thinking about climate
change in this way?”. Such a question is not often the starting point for attempts to
address climate change and the constellation of interconnected challenges it presents for
myriad societal interests (cf. Hulme, 2009), and perhaps for good reason.
For Beck (2010), however, this question begets still more questions: “Where is the
support for ecological changes supposed to come from, the support which in many cases
would undermine [people’s] lifestyles, their consumption habits, their social status and
life conditions in what are already truly very uncertain times?” (p. 255). To which he
answers, “from below”: meaning that the significance of climate change must be
deliberated on in innumerable ways by a majority of different cultural groups in order to
animate it in a more creative, participatory and conflictual light. Otherwise “climate
politics is doomed” (p. 255). This is the process modem society must go through in order
to confront the omissions of its own guiding mantras that have thus far created the
2
insidious byproducts that now threaten to undermine its very existence. Climate change,
from this view, is the ultimate side effect of an incomplete and ongoing process of
modernization.
To be clear, there is much more to Beck’s theory, but it is not entirely apparent that
this premise is correct, or at least it does not seem to be the dominant wisdom employed
to answer the threat of global warming in many places around the world. Though often
times climate advocates acknowledge that an enormous transformation in the
infrastructural arrangements of modem societies must be undertaken, by and large it is
just as commonplace for political resolve to be sought in more calculated and controlled
communication strategies that attempt to leave preexisting social and political life
relatively intact. A technological breakthrough might occur, for example, with the proper
government policy program in place, if only the public would just support it. From these
vantage points, a more active vision of citizenship in a climate-altered world is not as
necessary as getting the right technical policy changes in place to make the shift to a
zero-carbon future. Much climate change communication in practice has spent a
considerable amount of persuasive energy implicitly making this case: that action on
global warming can abide by the dominant relations of power in societal institutions,
keeping the “messiness” of a more engaged democratic politics at bay. Yet this is central
to Beck’s argument: the avoidance of (what he sees as) the inevitable societal change that
climate change will bring has put the cement shoes on climate advocacy in preparation
for its political dance with a very different sort of destiny.
I am not throwing unflinching support behind Beck’s theoretical approach, but I
find it a compelling entry point into what may, upon first glance, appear a rather confined
area of study—tax reform. More specifically, the following thesis research will focus on
communication issues surrounding the carbon tax in British Columbia (B.C.), Canada,
from the years 2006 to 2012, while paying particular attention to the role of various
environmental advocates and organizations in provincial environmental politics. Starting
in 2008, the B.C. carbon tax became an important political symbol and a cornerstone in
the provincial government’s program to address global warming. Consequently, it is
prudent to examine in more detail some of the social effects it may have had on the
climate policy community and broader environmental movement, with an eye towards
how these groupings may have affected the broader shape of climate change debate in the
province.
Next to cap-and-trade market mechanisms, carbon taxes have been among the
most prominent and commonly cited mitigation measures in the policy toolbox for
fighting global warming, aiming to “internalize” the projected costs of climate change on
society by putting a price on carbon emissions.1 They have been supported by an
impressive collection of unlikely allies, including numerous environmentalists and
economists alike. It is sometimes surprising to find that carbon taxes are advocated both
on behalf of environmental activists like David Suzuki and Bill McKibben, as well as by
CEOs representing Alberta’s vilified oil patch (Dembicki, 2012), or the International
Monetary Fund (International Monetary Fund, 2012).
Yet carbon taxes have typically occupied a contradictory role in much public
debate about climate change. Many proponents have emphasized that carbon taxation
offer governments a relatively quick and straightforward way to address climate change
1 Other common policies include cap-and-dividend, government regulation, and spending on research and innovation.