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{BYZANTINE DIPLOMACY
Papers from the Twenty-fourth
Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies,
Cambridge, March 1990
edited by
Jo nathan Shepard and Simon Franklin
.~
j
VARIORUM
1992
!':JF
"'S7J I ,1)
Copyright
© 1992 by the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies
Hon. Secretary, Dr M.E. Mullett, Dept of Greek & Latin,
The Queen's University of Belfast, Belfast, Northern Ireland BT71NN
All ri~hts reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
CONTENTS
a re~le~allsystehm, or ~ansmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mec amca, p otocopled, recorded, or otherwise without th .
permission ofthe publisher. e pnor
Published by VA RIORUM Editors' Preface vii
Ashgate Publishing Limited List of Abbreviations ix
Gower House, Croft Road
Aldershot, Hampshire GUll 3HR Section I; The Byzantine Notion of Diplomacy
Great Britain
1. A. Kazhdan The notion of Byzantine diplomacy 3
Ashgate Publishing Company
Old Post Road Section 11: Pl1ases of Byzantine Diplomacy
Brookfield, Vermont 05036
USA 2. E. Chrysos Byzantine diplomacy, AD. 300-800:
means and ends 25
ISBN 0-86078-338-3
3. J. Shepard Byzantine diplomacy, AD. 800-1204:
means and ends 41
A CIP catalogu: record for this book is available from the British Library and the US
4. N.Oikonomides Byzantine diplomacy, AD. 1204-1453:
Library of Congress.
means and ends 73
Section Ill: Byzantium and Otl1ers
5. J. Herrin Constantinople, Rome and the Franks in
the seventh and eighth centuries 91
6. T. Noonan Byzantium and the Khazars: a
special relationship? 109
7. H. Kennedy Byzantine-Arab diplomacy in the Near
East from the Islamic conquests to
Typeset by Archaeological Services and Publishing the mid eleventh century 133
197 Great Western Road, Glasgow G4 9EB 8. S. Franklin Diplomacy and ideology: Byzantium and
Printed by BiIling&Sons Ltd, Worcester the Russian church in the mid twelfth
century 145
9. K. Hopwood Low-level diplomacy between Byzantines
and Ottoman Turks: the case of Bithynia 151
SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF BYZANTINE STUDIES
PUBLICATIONS 1 Section IV: Sources on Diplomacy
10. R. Scott Diplomacy in the sixth century: the
evidence of John Malalas 159
11. 1. Sevcenko Re-reading Constantine Porphyrogenitus 167
12. C.Schummer Liudprand of Cremona-a diplomat? 197
13. M.Mullett The language of diplomacy 203
vi
Section V: Art in Diplomacy
14. R. Cormack But is it art?
219
15. A. Muthesius Silken diplomacy
237
16. J Lowden The luxury book as diplomatic gift Preface
249
Section VI: Social Aspects
17. R. Macrides Dynastic marriages and political kinship
263 The contributions to this book derive from papers presented to the 24th
18. J. Haldon 'Blood and ink': some observations on
annual Byzantine symposium, on the subject of 'Byzantine Diplomacy',
Byzantine attitudes towards warfare
held in Cambridge from 31 March - 2 April 1990. In common usage the
and diplomacy
281 very word 'Byzantine' suggests intricate diplomatic deviousness.
19. M. Whitby From frontier to palace: the personal
Whether one finds this image of Byzantium seductive or repellent, one
role of the emperor in diplomacy 295 might at least suppose that the topic of Byzantine diplomacy would
20. D. Smythe Why do barbarians stand round the have been comprehensively explored and explained in books by Byzan
emperor at diplomatic receptions? 305 tinists. One would be wrong. The present book is intended to fill, 01' to
Section VII: T7u Less Obvious End begin to fill, an astonishing gap in the literature about Byzantium.
The intention is grander than the achievement, and conspicuous gaps
21. P. Antonopoulos The less obvious ends of Byzantine
remain. We would have liked to include, for example, studies of the
diplomacy
315 'nuts and bolts' of diplomacy: of documents and seals, of finance, of
diplomatic offices and the composition of embassies. Information on
Index
321 such matters is scattered through the volume, not gathered in thematic
surveys. This is regrettable, but has been unavoidable in the circum
stances.
We also regret that some ccmtributions, commissioned and accepted
for the present volume, are to be published elsewhere. They are:
T.S. Brown, 'The evolution of diplomatic relations between Byzantium
and the Lombard principalities in Southern Italy 774-1071', BMGS
17 (1993)
N. de Lange, 'Byzantium in the Cairo Genizah', BMGS 16 (1992)
C. Galatariotou, 'Travel and perception in Byzantium', DOP 47 (1993)
R. Morris, 'Divine diplomacy in the late eleventh century', BMGS 16
(1992)
We apologize for any inconvenience caused to readers or to these
authors.
Most authors were asked to confine footnotes to primmy sources and
essential secondary literalure. Standard works and further general
n.
reading may be found in Sections I and
In the present volume Byzantine proper names have been given in
their Latinized form, except where a common English form exists;
Greek words and terms have been transliterated as close to their Greek
form as possible. For the transliteration of Slavonic we have used the
Revised Library of Congress System, without diacritics.
•
viii
TIll' pn~sl'nl volume marks an " .
l,/It1l'~IlI.\"l 'I 1" llfI ,~Z''~ t"lltmlIll /'llll1l'/ul',l lWa l'l s /litt l 't p o'g rfD"(rof'l aIicuI,cl' e/dliOs'a1fsIl,ulI ;I'l IspIa ,Cut n'otp b/d ul Pif'bsc orhlaoriet sf iehhotsh'en,ls Sed o s grose len 'I.Av"ln ee'.bve sl nUe es h,01Wn," PaI sfI 'l Os 1fChle le0 aletg fam UnwSttelh' Oad rsesCot a ~SInnpedOc ,tyof eCo 1 s' 1Ifr1e ea t1 iytry dlh W b tall. 'ty'lI l te1 il' VV tnp Ogia sr Ir O v iUtoemhsdr eou t tomfli,Oi n r,os n tfWt fheoienerf List of Abbreviations
aPt ,S s,.'l sst,I'l l,, 's'ltntlnlil,l\a mll,lll1Cll'v ec.o, 'ofv s nvrnti thtnehe, db tuahlJvlle op .Ilrenhs'sd: ac enrMxkirn,'si ts ' s ,'l aIS'ne1 :(1 leC I' lMl tale 1' W 55t 0 1'l ClS oaOt'll 'n lo'e l ryfwonri sEaedl lwula1 nanea1l ''d c W k S5,nUO ofIp 'o kwpr ol oerm't nd. vgtaheledu apbbruele-t AAA!EA. lSvSiA AAAcrnctanh aiSv auCnmoc mtoErnuuremans aia, eA Mleexdiaiid ,A eedvi. and French tr. B. Leib I-III
(Paris, 1937-45)
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance HelUnique
BF Byzantinische Forschungen
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BSI Byzantinoslavica
Byz Byzan tion
Byz, and West Byzantium and the West c. 850-1204. Proceedings of the
XVIII Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies Oxford 30
March - 1 April 1984. ed. J.D. Howard-Johnston
(Amsterdam, 1988) (= BF 12)
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CCM Cahiers de civilisation medievale
CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae
CSHB Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae
DAI Constantine VU, De administrando imperio, ed. and tr. G.
Moravcsik and R.J.H. Jenkins (Washington, D.e,
19672)
DAI: Comm, De administrando imperio: Commental1j, ed. R.J.H. Jenkins
(London, 1962)
DC Constantine VII, De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae, ed. I.I.
Reiske I (HOlm, 1829)
DIEE Deltion tes Historikes kai Etlmologikes Hetaireias tes
Hellados
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EEBS Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon
FHG Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum
FM Fontes Minores
HUS Harvard Ukrainian Studies
JGO Jahrbucher for Geschichte Osteuropas
JOB Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
Liudprand, Ant. Liudprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, in Opera, ed. J.
Becke1', MGH in usum schol. (Leipzig, Hanover, 1915)
xi
x
Liudprand, Leg. Liudprand of Cremona, Legatio, in Opera, ed. J. Becker, Turtledove The Chronicle of Theophanes, tr. H. Turtledove (Phila
MGH in usum schol. (Leipzig, Hanover, 1915) delphia, 1982)
LP Libel' Pontificalis, ed. 1. Duchesne I-HI (Rome, 1886-92, VV Vizantiiskii Vremennik
repr. Paris, 1957) Vogt Le livre des cert§monies, ed. and French tr. A. Vagt I-II
Lounghis T.e. Lounghis, Les ambassades byzantines en Occident (Paris, 1935-39)
depuis la fondation des etats barbares jusqu' aux Croisades Wright The Works of Liudpmnd of Cremona, tr. F.A. Wright
(Athens, 1980) (London, 1930)
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica WS Die Welt der Slawen
MM Miklosich-Miiller, Acta et Diplomata Graeca Medii Aevi ZRVI Zbornik Radova VizantoloSkog Instituta
Obolensky, 'Principles' D. Obolensky, 'The principles and methods of
Byzantine diplomacy', Actes du XII Congres Inter
national des Etudes Byzantines I (Belgrade, 1963), 45-
61, repr. in his Byzantium and the Slavs (London, 1971)
Oikonomides, Listes N. Oikonomides, Les listes de preseance byzantines
des IX et X siecles (Paris, 1972)
PG Patrologia Graeca
PLP Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palai%genzeit
PO Patrologia Orientalis
PseIIus, Clzron. Michael PseIIus, Chronographia, ed. and French tr. E.
Renauld, I-II (Paris, 1926-28)
PSRL Polnoe sobranie russkikh fetopisei
RAC Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentul1t
RE Paulys Realencyclopiidie der classischen Altertumswissen
schaft
REAnn Revue des Etudes Armeniennes
REB Revue des Etudes Byzantines
REG Revue des Etudes Grecques
Reg. F. DOlger, Regesten del' Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen
Reiches I-V (Munich, 1924-65)
RESEE Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Europeennes
ROC Revue de [,Orient Chretien
RSBN Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici
Scyl. Jo Im Scylitzes, Synopsis Historian, ed. 1. Thurn (Berlin,
New York, 1973)
Sewter Anna Comnena, Alexiad, tr. E.R.A. Sewter (Harmonds
worth, 1969)
SK Seminllrium Kondakovianwn
Theoph. Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. e. de Boor I-II (Leipzig,
1883-85)
Theoph. Cont. Theophanes Continuatus, Chronographia, ed. 1. Bekker
(Bonn, 1838)
TM Travaux et Memoires
-
Section I
The Byzantine Notion of Diplomacy
,
"
1. The notion of Byzantine diplomacy
Alexander Kazhdan
SOll1.e thirty years ago, at the Oc1wid congress of Byzantine studies,
Dimitri Obolensky began his paper on Byzantine diplomacy with the
words: 'The diplomacy of the Byzantine empire still awaits its his tor
ian'.1 The statement remains valid today. I do not think we have come
m.uch closer even to clarifying the problem, and I certainly do not
expect my present contribution to fulfil this task or fill the gap. If one
were to deal with the topic thoroughly, one would have to include a
consideration of sources and historiography (as was pointed out in
responses to Obolensky's Ochrid paper).2 If, however, one is restricted
to a brief survey, what is the most appropriate structure and approach?
Obolensky chose a regional approach, limiting his study to Byzan
tium's northern frontier, to a semicircle around the Black Sea. In his
view the limitation was made necessary because of the general lack of
preparatory work on Byzantine diplomacy.3 By contrast Professor
Zakythinos, in his critique of Obolensky's paper, argued that the exclu
sion of other territories may lead to a distortion of the issues, since it
may bring to the fore minor questions of local diplomacy and thereby
obfuscate the main lines of Byzantine policy. 4
Thus if we intend to survey the notion of Byzantine diplomacy, and
not just regional foreign affairs, we have to take into account the overall
situation, whether or not we are able to base arguments on preparatory
study. Local particularities should not obscure the overall pattern, nor
should sweeping generalization obscure the existence of local and
chronological distinctions. Jonathan Shepard5 has underlined the differ
ence between the northern and western neighbours of Byzantium, on
1 Obolensky, 'Principles', 45.
2 Actes du XII Congres International des Etl/des ByZUl1 tines I (Belgrade, 1963), 302, 316f.
3 Obolensky, 'Principles', 45.
4 Actes du XII Congres, 314f.
5 J. Shepard, 'Information, disinformation and delay in Byzantine diplomacy', BF 10
(1985),234.
4 SECTION I THE NOTION OF BYZANTINE DIPLOMACY 5
the one hand, and the Moslems, on the other; he raises two points of extent to which Louis's polite deference influenced the results of nego
difference: the Moslems were equal or even superior to the Byzantines tiations is another question. In any case, the encounter described by
in wealth and culture and therefore less susceptible to the charm of the Giovanni di Ravenna has another and in my view a more Significant
Byzantine diplomatic devices; and on the oriental frontier there was a meaning: we cannot imagine a late Roman emperor going to a foreign
confrontation of two creeds, whereas the northern and western neigh country as his own ambassador in order to solicit military help. John
bours subscribed to the same Christian creed as the Byzantines. V's visit to Buda, however, was not exceptional. Emperors of the late
We might discuss to what an extent this definition is precise or suffi fourteenth and fifteenth centuries played a very active diplomatic role,
cient - this is not my purpose now. What really matters is the necessity travelling to Italy and France. With Obolensky we can call tIus
to combine a perception of the general principles of Byzantine diplo 'elasticity' ,8 or elasticite with Zakythinos9 but it represents a radical shift
macy with an awareness of its local particularities. both in political situation and in diplomatic technique.
Two supplementary points must be added. In the first place, a sum The change is probably more important than the preservation of the
mary characterization of three major regions (west, north and east) is ceremonial, the more so since in this case the preservation is character
insufficient since each of them consisted of various political formations. istic of the Hungarian court rather than of the court of Constantinople.
For example, in the east Byzantium faced not only powerful and But if there was a change in Byzantine diplomacy two questions must
centralized states, professing alien religions, Iran, the caliphate, the be raised, even though they are not easily answered. The first question
Mongol empire, and finally Ottoman Turks but also small principalities is: when did the change in Byzantine diplomacy occur? The second is:
such as Arab kingdoms of the fourth through the sixth centuries or what constitutes the core of this change?
Seljuk states in the twelfth century - quite sensitive, by the way, to the Telemachos Lounghis raises the chronological question clearly.
Byzantine 'childish display of wealth'. Western countries were also far According to him, the change in diplomatic relations between Byzan
from being uniform: the empire of Frederick Barbarossa required a tium and the west took place in 752/3; the core of this transformation is
different diplomatic approach from that which was appropriate in the transition from the original imbalance (desequilibre) in east-west
dealings with the Lombard principalities of south Italy, while Stefan relations, which began to give way to a balanced situation.10 The book
Dusan's Serbia presented Byzantine diplomats with problems different by Lounghis also implies that another change occurred during or after
from those which were presented by tiny and wealthy Dubrovnik. the Crusades, which form the later chronological sh"atum of the book. If
In the second place, the time factor must be introduced. The empire we reverse Lounghis's definition, this second change can be described
of Justinian I in the sixth century differed from the fifteenth-century as a transition from a balanced situation to a new imbalance, when the
empire of the Straits on the eve of its fall. This trite truism has moment west gained the upper hand and Byzantium appeared in the role of
ous implications that we sometimes obscure by putting an emphasis on impoverished and feeble supplicant. My conclusion made on the basis
Byzantine traditionalism. Professor Moravcsik, in his commentary on of Lounghis's monograph has, however, a methodological weakness.
Obolensky's paper, quoted an Italian author, Giovanni di Ravenna, who We cannot automatically extend it to other areas: the occident entered
described the visit of the Emperor John V Palaeologus in 1366 to the the middle ages as a former part of the Roman empire and it needed
Hungarian King Louis the Great.6 Moravcsik stressed that the king met some time to shake off these ideological fetters.
the emperor with extreme deference. I would add that the picture Thus the purpose of this survey is not to describe Byzantine diplo
presented by Giovanni di Ravenna parallels the scene of submission of macy in operationll but to ask the most general questions, while not
Renauld de Chatillon, prince of Antioch, before Manuel I in 11597 - and ignoring local socio-political and temporal particularities. The most
that thi~ ~:o:edure illustrates the preservation of the Byzantine general question, of course, is the definition of the subject - what is
ceremorual fIctIon of the emperor's prerogatives. Byzantine diplomacy?
The ceremonial traditionalism is obvious in this meeting. But the
8 Obolensky, 'Principles', 61.
6 Acles du XII Congres, 308£. See in a developed form: G. Moravcsik, SIt/dia Byzalllinu 9 Acles, 317.
(Budapest, 1967), 344-9.
10 Lounghis, (146.
7 F. Chalandon, Les Comnime II (PariS, 1912), 444.
11 A topic for a monograph even if limited by space or time-span.
6 SECTION I THE NOTION OF BYZANTINE DIPLOMACY 7
rpeevaaepTlrlehyyre , ssrcoqeh ucoseoiosmmtlicopmhnlieel ?dn s deGiese d.m sMsuf oporsp reaotnhvssceeesd leis kstt,sou diankynn dhooi wfs t hdcweiop hmlaoanmmts weadcniepytral orbsymoe loaofck-neys v Oii'scdb.o eonnBltceu,e ntr ssnkiisniyn c'igest tpcoiofan nrtethn idicesiuc pctlleaoodrnm npwaeocciitytnhi?to s nn ut?op Ittniha eol tsdheieparlr owcmho rafodcrsy ,?t hc Aaen nc wdor eief m-ito tihsv,ee w 'fprhroaimnt c iistph telhe eds 'e bs-accorkifp gBtriyooznua nnod-f
ia'wttwttctfwnwBhthaihnoilo aesoheoyihdrahnkns ineeszo ra s modesina tlh gth rltseen 'oyaeenoa e pwt rasapfh ialcen usntneorpriBa otesgel sdreusntnt lyauss konadhonb tozet triuy-ihteiflasnoys oe diec,nftgb tn cn o tyhots ucebg'oisre tfbhudrt?yy a n Beuom B,'t tsd tawehIywtcah iyut f eozwnfhimie 'zcnotna,ns o ah tiignero tittatnww rn ,t sehytn attia ghceh in estdwsfuih eh teetto f mr, n ehia 'ereiwhnlnidenont,vlaqid h iaaitlos egupiehe tastdttnoinenlros ohtoiou nh erpwentp'fmroyaaoswlrossepls fo earo to capsmedhlwcpfofuarveioeiyl rg abnirBneevr attn tsesi siheyityntwt'nei hs.l i gizd1 pgyotenetnau2 bpheo p. pn t tyaeaalimheIIierstr rzcsct eeisota race nyst. lidecln eshnsa, aeel i ntptetataapio'is et,nh toniool r 'iepoe hwnfosd d'c rlem;hson tio1heoa'hopis.w3 aimnn s oecul cycotI' hftalh yenc eh dm,ffcter oreoo oiyn nioadmurbr n aric tewenceenths ytinoitsi hgeige ortntltnlse yfnlrrinvfto c ir ? huraceot'pwat weueltss mlZos mwoe r hl rwanr a rieeoaahtkc,dntilhl ithyuyaatsadni'ehe,,sr t, rmiBeeeaamotenh mmpnvycseoegiedABozobnpt r rha umfahtyeansniiners alnoooopscctltssals ttinbeloiuiaahnl eeefz lnrsteeetsuhdkiceste r oslroesd:e t nta onf p ns ivoaes phssacpeteitsn mlollph,mrrsouu iiueeyt'Lemmnrs,hpr r eniwo e,'l'og.aaw ,tou mn a ecreoHy'noiic:syinnosl sngftko yed' e w dghTnBwwr oteieahoahoyismar nltaswec zn ssi nfro' ao qoc l,leadeua nuhu'uh' at,dalfttaecsil cdiasdgysar snahit tame tanlteanoiiucwasne on rito srdbvdirndeoe'souifaeer ie pa gestibn(mrtzlsinuclortlgolteasneahoeu alm b p yno arnsteotdeh htalsucdhssarsykcoahumi'ear' y.t e n.ucsst1 :c.cioem gb16e s)reO8f T . te~ 'maa IstBahbacrTttThfycchioy hyushahhhtall'siz ht,eeeeti '~q as,e no .'fv cuewnulv fsleo1ufoeticoekhmf:inscns hgmneyitet te ccyoe,siarde noth 'ranini,dyitn fvst, tnfi otac esopef oolo: cnvilrl fnn tnoeioce hln,dc Bsumresetogseashlkla y'd rlale,dIcz~olna lc i c'onlabspfnoytv nin o opgt inachtotebv.ote.m nlehwubuetsus rdoeere tt-,,
sions?
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fsedoyversesAmtere,lr mlv winet?hh d aeeeIs tspseh ee ertpnihreod estie h nnoeotftsyr gm uacanroaneinnti sz ocb,aeg etrrri taaocatpnoihnh velsoery. r f teO ohdtfrah igne-nr aebafnaer ooticn notihgmtnie cepirirns o,pe tre otfs.rso wusTrir obhviveinele isyqtntyoau inre-n cswtpetoi,eh o raensh t ocahimsope,ms reh hpttohholweeewxyy abmCtinooruidtWntmhu i beeansy alc mlt hhyoituoe rscls eatowtlhr fnsree te d srCotaotu pdeaaresiulnci rckn taaotetoosre u twy oswp as?urosi rotC l hsuvfeui tirridtrosthveatnei ivs inut.aslse yal m,mw nn ieo-ot tht.nt hcToaeo th cineodoq ennouf vbeionijsfneti c.tcd itiToiinvpnhgel e o oe omtfxfe aptrdhrcliiaeypt no,lc aorooitmainrol ca dnedc opiyos t fth.ti enhtDhr~coeey
12 Acles, 302. use the same word but mean different phenomena? For Lounglns,
13 Acles, 313.
14 Acles, 318.
obfe tt1iwl5e eSReeOnel ,l tlahene.g a.R nAodm BDayn.z aLannetiedn, eS' EEamsaasbtn a(isOasnxi efeosm radps,i r1ee9v'8,i 6din)e, n P4c.5 e5F -fr6oe1re .m thaen manodv eDm. eKnet nonfe mdyi,l ietadrsy., iTnItlee lDligefeennccee 111687 LIOboibduo.,nl e6gn1hs.i ks,y 4, .' Principles', 60.
19 Ibid., 454f.
8
SECTION!
THE NOTION OF BYZANTINE DIPLOMACY 9
Byzantine diplomacy encompasses purely p l't' 1
be tween poh.t r.c al powers as revealed in the a0 It iIC·a evf ents' relalI' Ons implanting it in neighbouring lands, such as Axum, Himyar and even
Obolensky dwells primarily On ideological a::.d VI~. ~ ambassadors; Persia. Although split into differing and warring denominations,
foreign relations: the idea of 'barbarism' and oiko~~:~U:us aspects of Christians were influential and active beyond the imperial borders.
ment of Orthodoxy, the bestowal of titles the cerem . ei the advance Nina Garso'ian22 has emphasised the part played by bishops in the offi
;md so on. It is worth noting that the w~rds 'ChriS~:~ ~f ,rece~ti.on~, cial diplomacy of the Late Roman empire on its oriental frontier; their
Christendom'2o are mentioned in the arti 1 30 t' Ity, ChnstIan, missionary role was, probably, even more considerable. After the foun
r-:t
similar terms are absent (or almost absen~) e LImes ,least, whereas dation of the caliphate the missionary task in the east practically ceased
in
Diplomacy for Obolensky is much more about im°~ngti s s :onograph. to exist. The best the Byzantine government and church could do was to
faith among the northern neighbours f tl P ar: ng t e Orthodox assist and to maintain financially the surviving Christian communities
transmission of Greek civilization tha: ab le t;;;Ire and about the within the caliphate. Islam gave the Arabs (and their successors, the
Byzantine interests in those territories 0 ou e encr~achment of Turks) a faith which helped to distinguish them from the Byzantines as
bo~h materi~ and human, in the inte~es;s~; ~se of. theIr resou~ces, peoples of two different worlds, and to justify their Holy War against
eVIdently failed in attempts to secure its oH' yzantIum: Byzantium the empire.
ern area (as it failed in the west) but't p tIC~l influence m the north Unlike the Catholic west and Moslem east the northern semicircle
influence in Bulgaria, Serbia Rus IdmGanag~ to e.stablish its cultural reveals a diversified religious world: Croatia, Hungary and Poland
diffe rence of evaluations sugg' ested abn Ob eo1r gtak ThIs may exp Ia'm the gravitating toward the papacy; Jewish-oriented Khazaria; pagan tribes
what extent can we describe this y l' .0 ens yand Lounghis. But to of the steppe; Monophysite Armenians; multiple Moslem enclaves; and
diplomacy? Was it determined bI r e ~~.~u s ~n~ cultural impact as the Orthodox states of the southern Slavs, Kievan Rus and the Alans.
techniques for foreign relations? Or bPnnclples, methods and Italian penetration into the Crimea and neighbouring regions in the
ferent sphere of international mfluence~es It elong to a completely dif- thirteenth to fifteenth centuries made the picture even more compli
The religiOUS aspect of Byzantine d' I cated. Byzantine religious diplomacy had different methods and goals
many scholars. Unquestionabl it wa~P omacy has been stressed by in different neighbouring areas. Moreover, it was far from being uni
acted as a mighty instrument or im eri mo~entous, and the church form even within a single area, the northern semicircle.
ing of the Christian creed' 't oP h a1 politIcs. But was the implant But if it was not to implant Orthodox Christianity, then what was the
'idea' of Byzantine forei m I ~ rt o~o~ form the main goal or the
core, the overall principle, the main characteristic of Byzantine diplo
E. Eickhoff?21 In other wgn dPohcy, as It IS presented in the book by
or s, Was Chri t' . . macy? Like everything else in Byzantium, diplomacy was centralized,
purpose of Byzantine di lom? s IaruzatIon a means, or the directed from the capital, carried out by imperial functionaries who
should be clearly asked. p acy. Whatever the answer, the question
received high titles, generous rewards, and variegated privileges. The
If we assume religion as a back round f '. ambassadorial speech of Theodore Metochites describing his voyage to
~ust deal with a certain difficulty. t~ " 0 By.zant~ne dIplomacy We the Serbian kral, Stefan Milutin, in 1299 shows how the Byzantine envoy
different depending on space and'f e rehgwus SItuatIon turns out to be
conceived of his role. He acted at the behest of the emperor: the word
a vast territory united by its cathol~:~~e:estwa~ds fro~ Byzantium lay basileus appears dozens of times in his text.23 Metochites speaks of the
'Iatra o 1.yu nddi. d thneo t peaxpisatc ayt . aTllh , ea np dro f br ol emm t hoef nBm. ytzdha annfmd e tI ud Ceo1ll"lo'I gstIicaanl lym oI.s rsgiaonnisz etod eamndp egrorera'stn besesn,e2v5o loefn cteh ea npde rgfreecatm aensds2 4g, roefa tth ee mempeproerr,o2r6's opfi ettyh,e noobrdleessres
ISsue m religious diplomacy he th cen ry onwards the m. a)'or
hi re Was e pa 1 .
story of relio1ous diplomacy b' h pa pnmacy. In the east the
unti'1 th. e mido-s'e venth centu cCanr n:e; ·s. a.r pl y dI' V'ld e d m. to two perio' ds:
Egypt and Syria, and Byz:;:tium Is~an~ty was firmly established in 22 N. Garso'ian, 'Le role de l'hierarchie chretienne dans les rapports diplomatiques entre
13yzance et les Sassanides', REArm 10 (1973-74), 119-38.
c enshed strong expectations of
23 Ed. 1. Mavromatis, La jondatioll de ['empire serbe. Le kraZj Mill/till (Thessalonica, 1978),
89-119; below, 77.
~~ Not.to count 'ecclesiastical' or 'church' 24 Ibid., 1.64.
E. EICkhoff, Mach! und Se d '. .
n ung. Byzanllmsche Wellpolilik (Stuttgart, 1981), 2Sf. 25 Ibid., 1.720.
26 Ibid., 1.399-400.
