Table Of ContentBritain and Ireland in the Eighteenth-Century
Crisis of Empire
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Britain and Ireland in the
Eighteenth-Century Crisis of
Empire
Martyn J. Powell
Department of History and Welsh History
University of Wales, Aberystwyth
Wales
© Martyn J. Powell 2003
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2003 978-0-333-99402-3
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First published 2003 by
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ISBN 978-1-349-43226-4 ISBN 978-0-230-28629-0 (eBook)
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Powell, Martyn J., 1972-
Britain and Ireland in the eighteenth-century crisis of empire / Martyn J.
Powell. p. cm.
Includes bibliographical refererences and index.
ISBN 978-1-349-43226-4
1. Great Britain--Politics and government--18th century. 2. Great Britain-
-Colonies--History--18th century. 3. Ireland--Politics and government--18th
century. 4. Imperialism--History--18th century. I. Title.
DA480.P69 2002
325'.341'0941509033--dc21 2002072337
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03
Contents
Preface vii
Acknowledgements ix
Abbreviations x
1 Introduction 1
Ireland in the British Empire 1
The Structure of Anglo-Irish Politics 6
2 Reforming the Undertaker System: Pelhamite Ireland 16
The Money Bill Dispute 16
The Devonshire Settlement 37
3 Ireland and the Seven Years War 48
Bedford and the Undertakers 48
The Halifax Viceroyalty 65
Bute, Grenville and Ireland 71
The First Rockingham Ministry 82
Chatham, Bristol and Constant Residency 88
4 Lord Townshend and Constant Residency 95
The Appointment of Lord Townshend 95
Grafton and Ireland 106
The Formation of the North Ministry 113
The Absentee Tax Controversy 126
5 Ireland and the American Revolution 140
The Outbreak of the American Crisis 140
The Free Trade Dispute 158
Paralysis in Britain, Defeat in Ireland 177
6 Legislative Independence 196
The Carlisle Viceroyalty 196
The Second Rockingham Ministry 208
The ‘Renunciation Act’ 221
7 Conclusion 231
Notes and References 236
Select Bibliography 261
Index 271
v
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Preface
The imperial relationship between Britain and Ireland in the eighteenth
century has been comparatively ignored as an area of historical study, and
although some specialist work has been done in this field, little attention
has been given to the overall picture. Using extensive archival research,
this book explores Anglo–Irish relations in the second half of the eigh-
teenth century from an imperial perspective. It focuses on the attempts by
the British government to deal with an increasingly hostile Protestant
parliament and populace during a period of wider imperial crisis. This is a
study of Irish politics that does not focus on the dilution of British author-
ity, but on British attempts to reassert control over Ireland.
Ireland is also examined in relation to a wider imperial framework. It is
clear that events in India and the American colonies both had an impact
on British thinking on Ireland, as did British foreign policy in more general
terms. Moreover, a number of prominent British politicians viewed Ireland
as an imperial problem, and tailored their policies accordingly. These
included statesmen of the first rank such as Halifax, Chatham, North and
Shelburne, and imperial experts, who worked behind the scenes, such
as Charles Jenkinson and William Knox. This work challenges the charac-
terisation of eighteenth-century Ireland as an age of undertakers when
political life was static, and politics was conducted without a serious
purpose. In addition, it reassesses the importance of Townshend and
constant residency; the status and role of the lord lieutenant and chief
secretary; the impact of the North ministry on Irish policy; the significance
of legislative independence, and the importance of Irish public opinion.
Ultimately, it is argued that there was a remarkable degree of unanimity
amongst British politicians – whatever their party interests – on the issue
of Britain’s parliamentary supremacy over Ireland.
The first chapter sets out the historiographical parameters of this book,
and introduces the structure of Irish government, looking at the Irish
parliament, the undertaker system, the Castle government and the British
executive in London. Chapter two examines the beginning of a fruitful
alliance between patriots and undertakers, and British attempts to reform
the now unsatisfactory undertaker system, following the Money Bill
dispute of 1753. Proposals made by British ministries and their lord lieu-
tenants included the formation of a Castle party and the appointment of a
lord deputy. During the Seven Years War, the focus of chapter three, the
impulse both for instability in Irish politics, and for solutions to Irish prob-
lems now generally came from the British government, which was
motivated by wider military concerns, and by the desire to see Ireland
vii
viii Preface
quiescent once more. The viceroy’s constant residency – and even union –
were considered, and after the war these schemes became part of a wider
plan to improve control over Britain’s colonies.
Chapter four, on Townshend’s viceroyalty, concentrates on the apex of
British imperial control over Ireland. Constant residency was implemented
and a Castle party was created. But what was Townshend’s precise contri-
bution? It is clear that the formation of the North ministry was of crucial
importance for the initiation of an assertive Irish policy. During the early
years of the American crisis, Britain’s assertive Irish policy continued
unchecked. But the disastrous Buckinghamshire viceroyalty, the free trade
campaign and the rise of the Volunteers, delineated in chapter five, pushed
British government firmly onto the back foot in the late 1770s. Chapter six
sees a measure of control restored during the Carlisle administration. But
the fall of the North ministry and the accession of the Rockinghams
heralded the concession of legislative independence. However, the policies
followed by the Rockinghams and Shelburne, demonstrate that their atti-
tude towards Britain’s imperial control over Ireland was very similar to that
of their predecessors. The concession of legislative independence and the
Renunciation Act were quickly followed by Britain’s peace treaties with
America and France, thus bringing this period of imperial crisis to a close.
Irish patriotism appeared victorious, but this must be regarded as a short-
lived victory, as Britain’s imperial fortunes were quickly on the upturn and
the real trend in Anglo–Irish politics reasserted itself. This was the push for
closer control and it would culminate in union.
MARTYNJ. POWELL
Acknowledgements
Thanks go to all my friends and colleagues who have helped me during the
writing of this book. I would particularly like to thank Peter D. G. Thomas
for his invaluable advice and encouragement. I am also grateful for guid-
ance from Thomas Bartlett, John Beckett, Martin Fitzpatrick, Paul
Langford, Louise Miskell and Paul O’Leary, and from the anonymous
readers at Palgrave and Cambridge University Press. Inevitably, despite the
best efforts of these readers, not all of their suggestions have been incor-
porated, and I must of course shoulder the responsibility for any
shortcomings in the completed work.
Earlier versions of sections of this book have appeared in other publica-
tions and I wish to thank the editors for permission to produce material
from the following articles. Firstly, ‘Managing the Dublin Populace: The
importance of Public Opinion in Anglo-Irish Politics 1750–1772’ in Irish
Studies Review, 16 (1996). Secondly, ‘The reform of the undertaker system:
Anglo–Irish politics, 1750–67’ in Irish Historical Studies, 31 (1998). Thirdly,
‘British Party Politics and Imperial Control: The Rockingham Whigs and
Ireland, 1765–1782’, forthcoming in Parliamentary History. Finally, ‘Charles
James Fox and Ireland’, forthcoming in Irish Historical Studies. I would like to
thank the British Academy for funding the main body of research that went
into this book. I am also grateful to the earl of Harrowby, the Trustees of the
Bedford Settled Estates, the Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement, the earl
of Malmesbury, Hampshire Record Office, Suffolk Record Office, Sheffield
City Library, Nottingham University Library, Trinity College Dublin
Library, the National Library of Ireland, the Viscount Massereene and
Ferrard and the Deputy Keeper of the Records of Northern Ireland for
permission to cite and quote from manuscripts in their possession.
I have benefited greatly from the society of my friends in the University
of Wales, Aberystwyth, and especially in the history department. I would
particularly like to thank Peter Lambert, Siân Nicholas, Björn Weiler, Jeff
Davies, Gerald Hughes, Simon Constantine, Paul Cooke, Alison Fell, Stefan
Schubert, Shaun Regan, Robert Jones, Phillipp and Jane Schofield and
Laura Russell for their companionship over the last few years. I also
remember fondly my time at Nottingham University and the support that
I received from the staff in the history department there. Dic Evans, Rita
Abrahamsen and the Aberystwyth Harriers running club deserve a mention
for providing some sanity in my life. Finally, I would like to acknowledge
my gratitude to my parents, my brother and my grandparents for their
continuing interest and encouragement.
MARTYNJ. POWELL
ix
