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Ferenc Albert Váli
Bridge across the
ISBN 13: 978-1-4214-3581-7
ISBN 10: 1-4214-3581-0
Open access edition supported by the
Bosporus
National Endowment for the Humanities /
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities
Open Book Program. 99 778811442211 443355881177
The Foreign Policy of Turkey
Cover design: Jennifer Corr Paulson
Cover illustration: Strawberry Blossom
Open access edition supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities /
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program.
© 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press
Published 2019
Johns Hopkins University Press
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The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons
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CC BY-NC-ND
ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3583-1 (open access)
ISBN-10: 1-4214-3583-7 (open access)
ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3581-7 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4214-3581-0 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3582-4 (electronic)
ISBN-10: 1-4214-3582-9 (electronic)
This page supersedes the copyright page included in the original publication of this work.
Bridge
across
the
Bosporus
A
The Foreign
Bridge Policy of
Turkey
across
the
Bosporus
Ferenc A. Va.Ii
The Johns Hopkins Press Baltimore and London
Copyright© 1971 by The Johns Hopkins Press
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Maryland 21218
The Johns Hopkins Press Ltd., London
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 79-123197
International Standard Book Number o-8018-n82-1
This bridge signifies
Turkey's wish to join Europe.
-WILLY BRANDT, in Ankara, May 1969
Contents
Turkish Spelling and Pronunciation 1x
Preface xi
I. From Empire to Nation-State 1
The Turks 1
The Ottoman Past 4
Decline, Reform, and Revolution 7
World War I and the Rise of New Turkey 14
World War II and After 28
II. Foundations of Turkey's Foreign Policy 42
Geopolitical Foundations 43
Ethnic Foundations 48
Ideological Foundations 54
Governmental Foreign Policy 68
III. Political Parties, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy 78
The Justice Party 80
The Republican People's Party 82
The Reliance Party 87
Splinter Parties 89
The Turkish Labor Party 94
Public Opinion and Foreign Policy 99
IV. Turkey, the United States, and NATO n5
Turkey and NATO n6
The United States and Turkey 125
American Presence in Turkey 137
Relations with Western Europe 146
Should Turkey Leave NATO? 157
V. The USSR, the Straits, and the Balkans 165
Soviet-Turkish Relations: Cooperation and
Confrontation 167
Soviet-Turkish Relations: Relaxation and
Reorientation 173
The Soviets and the Turkish Straits 181
CONTENTS
Turkey's Western Flank: The Balkans and
East Europe 197
Can Russia Be Trusted? 210
VI. Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus 219
Megali Idea 220
Turkey and Greece Bury the Hatchet 224
The New Apple of Discord: Cyprus 228
Cyprus: Settlement and Deadlock 245
Turkey and Greece: The Interlocked Nations 259
VII. Turkey and the Middle East 272
Turks, Arabs, and Persians 272
From the Baghdad Pact to CENTO 280
Iran, Pakistan, and CENTO 289
Syria, Iraq, and the Kurds 298
The Arab-Israeli Conflict 306
Turkey's New Middle Eastern Policy 310
VIII. Development: A Foreign Policy Goal 318
Development Goals and Problems 320
The Five Year Plans 324
Aid from the West and from the East 328
Turkey and the European Economic Community 334
Regional Cooperation for Development 339
The Outlook 343
IX. Ambitions and Realities of Turkish Foreign Policy 352
The Balance Sheet 353
The Weight of Domestic Politics 358
The Weight of Ideology 364
The Weight of International Factors 370
Realities versus Ambitions 377
Chronology 386
Bibliography 387
Index 401
TURKISH SPELLING AND PRONUNCIATION
Turkish spelling and pronunciation is, as a rule, phonetic. Vowels are
never diphthongized and their sound values never vary (thus e is like the
English e in "men," u like the u in "put"). While consonants are generally
pronounced as in English some letters have different sound values in
Turkish:
c is pronounced as the; in "jar"
� is pronounced as ch in "chair"
g has always a hard pronunciation as in "go"
g is not pronounced but the preceding vowel is lengthened
i,
,, the undotted is an intermediate neutral sound
approximately as the u in "measure"
; is pronounced as in French (as the sin "measure")
o is pronounced as in German
sh
� is pronounced as in "ship"
ii is pronounced as in German
y is always a consonant as in "yard"
The circumflex (A), as in French, extends the vowel but also softens
the preceding consonants (g, k or I).
ix
Preface
THE TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY FROM A TRADITIONAL ISLAMIC COUNTRY
into a modern nation-state is one of the most impressive developments of
our epoch. From the time when the Ottoman Turks crossed the Dar
danelles into Europe and placed the Crescent over St. Sophia in Constan
tinople, the Ottoman Empire existed as a dividual but still constituent
body of European political life. Although the bulk of Ottoman territorial
possessions were outside geographical Europe, the characterization of
this long-time invalid as the "Sick Man of Europe" implicitly recognized
its role on that continent.
In discussing the reforms of Peter the Great of Russia, Jacob Burck
hardt wrote in the r88o's that "the Russian element at least can flow into
European civilization because it has no Koran."1 Remarkable as it seems,
contemporary Turkey seeks to "flow into European civilization" with
out, however, altogether abandoning the Koran. Her endeavor is not only
to adopt Western technology but also the civilization of the West, while
retaining her own ethno-cultural identity. Turkey, for five centuries a
Hegelian antithesis to the European cultural and political thesis, may be
about to achieve a unique synthesis. Her foreign and domestic policies are
principally dedicated to the attainment of this ambitious goal.
In terms of the size of her population and the volume of her economy,
Turkey is not one of the great powers, though she is the strongest among
the countries of the Middle East. But, as history substantiates, her geo
political location and the character of her people have assigned her a
potentially higher status than can be expressed in mere statistical figures.
Clausewitz' famous alternative always has conveyed an ominous mean
ing for Turkey. He taught that when faced with a single enemy one should
march against his capital; when faced with more than one, one should
attack their lines of communication. Until the location of Turkey's
1922,
capital and the historic line of communication between the Black Sea and
the Mediterranean coincided. Even though her capital has been removed
to Ankara, the Turkish straits, Russia's doorway to the Mediterranean
and beyond, remain of global political and strategic significance.
The Turkish state holds the key not only to the Dardanelles but lies
1 Jacob Burckhardt, On History and Historians (New York, 1958), p. 213.
Xl
