Table Of ContentBRATACHDU BH
Collected Articles: Vol II
BratacDhu bh:
Collected
2
lnsurrectionary Writings
BrataDcuhb h:C ollect2e d
ArmedS truggilnIe t a'l7y6- '78
BrataDcuhb h
AnarchiPsatm phle4 t
ElephaEndti tions
ArdenPtr esrse print
Cover debsyi1 g8n8 2 distro
2015
Published by Aragom Moser and Leona Benton
Printed at "The Compound"
1818 Carleton St. Berkeley, CA 94703-1908
Contents
Introducttoit ohne2 ndE dition 1
Introducttoit ohne1 stE dition 3
Preface 8
OurR olien t heP reseCnotn flict 11
DiffuseUdr baGnu errilla 16
PrisRoenv olts 34
PrisoCnosu,r tasn dt heL egaHli erarchy43
Expropriation 49
VictiomfsR epression 53
SweaLta bour 65
PoliticainadPn asr tHye adquarters 68
TradeUsn ions 86
Factorainedts h eI ndustHriiearla rchy 88
StatOef fices 110
HeroiPnu shers 116
AttacAkgsa intshteP olice 122
RestructuRreipnrge ssion 129
Anti-InstitMuotvieomneanlt ,
RevolutioVniaorlye nce,
ArmedS truggle-SRoemfel ections 131
Towardst heG eneralisoaft ion
ArmedS truggle 142
On theP robleomfA rmedS truggle 154
ForwarCdo mrades! 158
Introduction to the 2nd Edition
The years covered by this pamphlet mark an important
period for the whole of the movement against capital.
It was at this time that the antagonist movement in
Italy finally shed all its taboos concerning destruction,
violence, and the use of arms against the class enemy.
It became normal to respond to the humiliation and
tyranny of capitalism with the arms considered to be
the most effective for doing so, and acts of violence
by bosses, police, and fascists found an immediate re
sponse both in the streets and in specific retaliatory
actions against them.
During this period a vast quantity of groups and
struggle organisations emerged, convinced of the need
to extend and heighten the armed struggle against
capital. Many of these, in keeping with their lenin
ist convictions, reached the conclusion that capital
ism's final crisis had arrived, that victory was near and
that it was time to fight the State on its own terms,
in closed militaristic organisations (the armed wing
of the proletariat) aimed at taking over and directing
first the struggle, then the State. Their objectives were
to recruit comrades into their organisations-the only
ones entitled to carry out this historic task accord
ing to them-and to raise the level of the struggle to
the ultimate moment of victory. When their analysis
proved to be mistaken (that the end of capitalism was
not imminent, instead it was going through a difficult
phase of re-structuring), they began negotiating with
the enemy to have their prisoners released, even at the
cost of dissociating themselves from the struggle and
from revolution itself.
But there was another dimension present in the
struggle at the end of the seventies, one consisting of
autonomous actions carried out by affinity groups
formed for the duration of the action itself.At the time
when we first published this counter-information we
did so in order to make known and extend the whole
dimension of armed struggle, and for this reason we
chose to limit our criticism of the forms that struggle
took. In reprinting it we are doing so with another
aim: that of contributing to the struggle's qualitative
development. Now that the need for an armed attack
against capital and the State has become widely accept
ed amongst comrades, it is time to work to extend the
qualitative aspect that is spreading today using meth
ods including sabotage against the structures of capital.
This sabotage, usually carried out by small groups of
comrades who have come together on the basis of af
finity, is based on simple means that are available to
anyone, and contains a strong element of creativity and
joy in the knowledge that it is simple and effective to
attack what is oppressing us directly, and that there is
no need for endless documents of ideological justifica
tion for doing so. This does not mean that arms in the
2
traditional sense of the word are no longer relevant or
should be considered something to be used at some
time far otf in the future. It is important to reflect on
all these problems in order to develop and strengthen
an efl:ective and intelligent revolutionary perspective.
Introduction to the 1st Edition
The key to the future is rebellion.As the multination
als spread their hold throughout the world, changing
their hosts as the demands of (overall) profit direct
them, the trade unions are showing themselves to be
obsolete as organisations of struggle, and actually di
rect participants in capitalism's plan of restructuring.
The advanced democratic State is ready to patron
ise inquests in any sphere: prison reform, ecologi
cal problems, debates on abortion, etc., in order to
handle dissent and render it a manageable dynamic
within the global project of social control, and some
of the modern European States have shown them
selves to be more astute in this prevision than others.
We would say that Italy, although similar to Brit
ain at an economic level where it shares its place as
the weakest of the advanced industrialised countries,
has less sophisticated means at its disposal with which
to control the growing strata of those pushed to the
margins of the process of production. In other words,
it is not that Italy is a country in a more acute state of
econonuc crisis than Britain, nor that, because here
in Britain we do not read daily reports in our news
papers about the burning of factory manager's cars, or
the laming of journalists, that a situation of revolt at
mass level does not also exist.
It is not the politicised minority who create re
volt, but the existence of exploitation. What we can
say is that there is not a clearly politicised minor
ity in Britain who, drawing their direction from the
mass, are seeking to give it a wider perspective, that of
generalised rebellion. Many factors come into play in
this situation in our opinion, not least the one already
mentioned: the State's capacity to recuperate margin
al groups and give them a 'socially fulfilling' task such
as involvement in adventure playgrounds, local hous
ing, organised squatting projects, etc., allowing them a
certain autonomy of movement, and very little excess
energy for such activities as revolution.
But we cannot blame the State for everything.
We feel there exists a certain aristocratic tendency
within the movement in Britain that denies the im
portance of illegal action at grass roots level, and still
persists in seeing rebellion in terms of the workers'
movement. To this extent we feel the following in
formation, however incomplete, is a contribution to
forming a more realistic vision of where the struggle
lies today.
4
The chronology that follows is an important ele
ment of counter-information concerning the situa
tion of struggle in Italy. We do not claim this to be
a fully representative picture. Many acts of rebellion
never reach the press either because they are sup
pressed or because, taken on their individual merit
they arc too insignificant, as in the case of absentee
ism, individual sabotage, and self-appropriation of
goods. And it is in these areas more and more that
the minority groups are finding the message that an
intensification of the struggle is necessary. We hope,
however, that something will emerge from this vast
collection of data: that armed struggle in Italy today
does not lie in the hands of a few professional mili
tants, but that it is a way of being, a way of everyday
life for hundreds of thousands of people, and that area
is forever widening its field of attack.
The young people who have been pushed to the
margins of Italian capitalism are creating their own
theory with their actions. They have realised not
only that there is nothing for them within the pres
ent structure, but also that they want nothing from it.
They want to destroy it in every form it presents itself,
and this involves not only institutions, but the people
who make them function as such. Similar attitudes
are also re-emerging among the employed workers
within the context of the factory, following a period
