Brahmanical idealism, anarchical individualism, and the dynamics of Indian negotiating behavior

21 Pages·2004·0.23 MB·English

International Journal of Cross
Cultural Management
http://ccm.sagepub.com
Brahmanical Idealism, Anarchical Individualism, and the Dynamics of Indian
Negotiating Behavior
Rajesh Kumar
International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 2004; 4; 39
DOI: 10.1177/1470595804038867
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International Journal of
CCM
Cross Cultural
Management
2004 Vol 4(1): 39–58
Brahmanical Idealism, Anarchical
Individualism, and the Dynamics
of Indian Negotiating Behavior
Rajesh Kumar
The Aarhus School of Business, Denmark
 The article analyzes the implications of the Indian mindset on the dynamics of
Indian negotiating behavior. I argue that the constructs of Brahmanical idealism and
anarchical individualism capture the nature of the Indian mindset. Brahmanical idealism
reflects the tendency of the decision makers to seek the most perfect solution. Any
discrepancies between the realities of the external world and the logic of the inner world as
manifested through a search for the ideal solution are not problematical for it is only the
inner world that defines the true reality. If Brahmanical idealism focuses on the purity of the
mental world, anarchical individualism lays emphasis on the primacy of attaining the ideal
solution through absolutist forms of interpersonal behavior. That is to say, since each
individual is engaged in searching for the ideal solution, and furthermore, as each
individual’s ideal solution is either no better or no worse than that of their counterpart, the
attainment of this ideal is problematic because under these conditions cooperative behavior
is a rarity. In this sense, anarchic individualism fragments rather than enhances total effort,
thereby draining energy away from the system. I analyze the impact of this mindset on the
Indian negotiating dynamics and outline the implications of the framework developed here
for the theory and practice of cross cultural management. Implications for negotiating with
Indian businesspeople are also discussed.
 • bridging differences with Indians • cultural influences • India • mindset •
negotiating behavior
India is now emerging as a major player in 1990s. With a middle class in the range of
the world economy. The growth rate of the 250–300 million people and the economic
Indian economy has increased from a dismal reform process well under way, India has
3%–3.5% in the 1970s to 6%–7% in the begun to attract increasing interest from
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DOI:10.1177/1470595804038867
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40 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management4(1)
foreign investors. International firms are variable, with different negotiation scripts
being lured to India by the prospect of selling being dominant in different cultures (e.g.
in a market with a vast untapped potential. Brett, 2000; Cohen, 1997; Kumar, 1999a;
Whatever the specific mode of foreign entry Leung and Tjosvold, 1998; Weldon and
(licensing, joint venture, wholly owned sub- Jehn, 1996). The negotiation scripts preva-
sidiary, etc.) international investors face the lent in a given culture reflect the underlying
necessity of negotiating contractual agree- values/beliefs that are intrinsic to that cul-
ments with their Indian counterparts – ture.
whether they are Indian businesspeople, A wide variety of studies have shown that
representatives of the bureaucracy or a com- differences in negotiation scripts either affect
bination of both. the efficiency of the intercultural negotiation
Negotiation has been typically con- process and/or the integrativeness of the
ceptualized as a process by which actors seek final agreement (e.g. Adair et al., 2001; Adler
to reconcile their conflicting goals (e.g. et al., 1987; Brett and Okumura, 1998).
Carnevale and Pruitt, 1992; Neale and Second, while there have been a number of
Northcraft, 1991). International business studies that have explored the behavior of
negotiations bring together actors who have negotiators from different cultures, only very
been socialized in different cultural traditions limited attention has been paid to the under-
and with different levels of international lying reasoning processes extant in that cul-
exposure. These negotiations also involve ture (Gelfand and Dyer, 2000). Theorists
interaction between actors at multiple have often relied on the classificatory schemes
organizational levels and unfold in an envi- developed by Hofstede (1980) and/or
ronment that is often changing. The com- Schwartz (1994) in exploring how culture
plexity of these negotiations is well captured influences negotiation processes and out-
in Weiss’s (1993) RBC framework in which comes (Kopelman and Olekalns, 1999).
he explicates the intricate interdependency While the research undertaken within this
that exists between relationships, behaviors stream of work has undoubtedly furthered
and conditions. The relationships, behaviors our understanding of intercultural negotia-
and conditions encapsulate a wide range of tion there is clearly a need to better
macro- and micro-level variables, such as understand the mental frames and/or the
the nature of the political systems, industry reasoning processes shaping behavior. Thus
structure, corporate and national cultures, a major objective of this article is to analyze
personality predispositions of the key nego- the mental frames that are shaping the
tiators, and the extent of time pressure, if behavior of Indian negotiators and to explore
any. This is by no means an exhaustive list of their implications for the development of the
the potential variables that may be in play negotiation processes.
here but it highlights the complex intricacies Relatedly, it is also worth noting that
in explaining the processes and outcomes of while there is a considerable amount of con-
international negotiations. ceptual as well as empirical work document-
The task that I attempt in this article is a ing the way that the Japanese, the Chinese
more limited one. First, I seek to assess the and/or the Koreans negotiate, there are few,
impact of only one variable – namely, if any, conceptual or empirical studies high-
national culture – on negotiation processes lighting the negotiating behavior of Indians
and outcomes. I am looking at only one piece (for an exception see Cohen, 1997). This is
of the larger puzzle but it is an important an area that has traditionally been under-
piece given that it is now widely recognized researched by management/organizational
that the process of negotiation is culturally scholars and for this reason it is deserving of
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Kumar: The Dynamics of Indian Negotiating Behavior 41
attention. My objective in the article is there- as to whether Hofstede’s dimensions ade-
fore to analyze the nature of the Indian world quately capture the interpretative aspects of
view and to explore its implications for the culture, and it is this gap that I seek to redress
evolution of the negotiation process in the here in the context of negotiations. It is
Indian socio-cultural context. important to note that while the focus in
It is worth noting that India is a vast this article is on India, the approach being
country with many regional and sub- advocated may be used to study other cul-
regional variations. Given these differences is tures.
any generalization about the Indian world At the same time, the article also seeks to
view possible? Although I acknowledge the explicate the linkages between the dominant
existence of these differences, I also note that world view extant in a given culture (India)
there is an essential unity in India stemming and the negotiating style that appears to be
from a shared world view, namely that of characteristic of that culture. In doing so, I
Hinduism. More than 80% of the population am attempting to provide a culture-based
in India are Hindus. Scholars note that explanation, rooted in the Indian world view,
the cultural legacy of Hinduism is deeply as to why Indian negotiators behave in
ingrained throughout the country (e.g. the manner that they do. The focus is not
Almeida, 1996; Smith, 1991). My analysis of merely on description, but, above all, is on
the Indian world view, therefore, stems explanation that links the cultural world view
primarily from the structure of Hinduism. of the Indians with the key strategic chal-
The analysis is most broadly applicable to the lenges confronting all negotiators. In the
Indian elite who hold managerial positions in process, I am integrating culturally specific
business and industry. Although the elite insights as manifested in the schemas domi-
have, in varying degrees, been influenced by nant in a given culture (in this case India)
exposure to western influences, such an influ- with existing negotiation theory to develop a
ence represents secondary socialization, and portrait of negotiating behavior in India. The
while it is certainly likely to shape some article thus has the potential of not only con-
aspects of Indian managerial behavior, it is tributing to the field of cross cultural man-
very unlikely to have completely negated the agement but also to negotiation theory, in
influence of primary socialization (e.g. Saha, that it demonstrates that cultural context has
1992; Sinha and Kanungo, 1997). a powerful impact in delineating the bound-
It is important to note that while this aries of negotiation theory.
article focuses on Indian negotiating behav- In an increasingly interdependent world,
ior, it also makes a contribution to cross cul- the ability to negotiate well is an important
tural theory as well as to the practice of cross managerial skill. Managers negotiating across
cultural management. The essential argu- cultural boundaries face the challenge of
ment being advanced here is that culture is navigating through a culture that may be
the lens through which members of a culture alien to them. It is argued here that an
perceive the external world. Although this understanding of the mindset of the indi-
insight is by no means novel, there has been viduals one is negotiating with is a prerequi-
insufficient emphasis given to the role played site for successful negotiations. With this in
by mental frames in shaping how individuals mind, I have attempted to outline the essen-
from different cultures perceive and respond tials of the Indian world view. A better
to the external reality. The tendency has understanding of the Indian mindset will
been to view culture as behavior, as opposed enable foreign investors seeking to do busi-
to viewing culture as a meaning system. ness in this country to adjust their negotiating
Redding (1993), for example, raises the issue strategies accordingly. They may also be less
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42 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management4(1)
surprised by Indian behavior that may tion in cross cultural psychology has been
appear alien to them, and for this reason may that while cognitive processes are similar
be able to handle the complexities of the across cultures, cognitive content demon-
negotiating situation more adeptly. strably varies, but this sharp differentiation
This is a conceptual article in which I set between the two may no longer be tenable
out the main features and the implications of (Nisbett et al., 2001). These authors point out
the Indian world view for the negotiation that cognitive content and cognitive pro-
process. I begin the article by sketching out cesses are mutually reinforcing with the result
the relevance of managerial cognitions in that ‘a given stimulus situation triggers quite
shaping negotiating behavior, then outline different processes in one culture than in
the nature of the Indian way of thinking and another’ (Nisbett et al., 2001: 306). The one
tease out its implications for the negotiating crucial implication of this distinction is that
process. The article next highlights the influ- to understand how members of different
ence of contextual variables that either cultures perceive reality one must attend to
amplify or dampen the impact of the world cognitive content and cognitive processes
view on negotiating processes and outcomes. simultaneously. What I intend to do is there-
I conclude by outlining directions for future fore to outline the nature of the Indian world
research and highlighting managerial impli- view and show how this has shaped the
cations. Indian negotiating style.
Managerial Thinking and
The Nature of the Indian
Negotiating Behavior
World View
There is by now a considerable amount of
The Concept of Brahmanical
evidence suggesting that managerial thinking
Idealism
plays an important role in shaping the nego-
tiating dynamics (e.g. Bazerman and Carroll, In recent years a number of scholars have
1987; Bazerman and Neale, 1992; Brodt and sought to explore the nature of the Indian
Tinsley, 1998; Thompson, 1998). Implicit in world view (e.g. Dumont, 1970; Gopalan and
this line of research is the recognition that the Rivera, 1997; Kakar, 1981; Lannoy, 1971;
way individuals define a situation is an Moddie, 1968; Nakamura, 1964; Nandy,
important determinant of how they react to 1980; Roland, 1988; Saha, 1992, 1993;
them. A number of scholars have demon- Sinha, 2002; Sinha and Kanungo, 1997).
strated the impact of managerial thinking on Sinha and Kanungo (1997) suggest, for
negotiation processes and outcomes. Nego- example, that Indian managers exhibit a pri-
tiators often engage in non-rational escala- mary mode of behavior that is traditional in
tion of commitment (Staw, 1981); assume character and a secondary mode of behavior
that negotiations are zero sum in character that has been acquired from the importation
(Bazerman et al., 1985); ignore their oppo- of western management practices. Thus,
nents’ cognitions (Carroll et al., 1988); are while the primary mode of behavior reflects
susceptible to salient information (Neale, the prevalence of traditional Hindu values
1984), and are subject to framing biases in such as collectivism and high power distance,
negotiations (Bazerman et al., 1985). the secondary mode reflects the inculcation
The way in which individuals construct of values such as individualism and pragma-
definitions of situations is influenced both by tism. Whether the Indians choose to exhibit a
cognitive content as well as by the underlying primary or a secondary form of behavior
cognitive processes. A widely held assump- depends on the context of the situation. The
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Kumar: The Dynamics of Indian Negotiating Behavior 43
author/s conceptualize context in terms of non-sequential logic in which actions are
desh(place), kal(time) and patra(person). This judged primarily for their own sake rather
framework, as the author/s point out, may than for the effect that they produce. As he
help to explain the inconsistency in Indian notes (1971: 289): ‘All work contains its own
managerial behavior. satisfaction. The present should not be
Roland (1988) explores the Indian world regarded as a means to future satisfaction.’
view from the standpoint of self. He draws a The human ideal is to escape from the con-
distinction between the familial, the indi- straints of time. In essence, the highest pur-
vidual, and the spiritual self. The familial self pose in life is to discover the nature of the
highlights the interdependence between indi- ultimate reality by overcoming the con-
viduals; the individual self focuses on the fact straints of the here and now. In a psycho-
that each individual is unique and autono- analytical study of Indian society, Kakar
mous from others; the spiritual self focuses on (1981) notes that the Hindu culture stresses
the individual’s attempt at uncovering the the importance of merging with the ‘other’ as
deeper reality. Roland (1988) maintains that opposed to remaining separate from the
the Indian self is primarily a combination of ‘other’ in arriving at the ultimate reality. As
the familial self with the spiritual self. he (1981: 36) notes ‘Hindu culture is gov-
Kakar (1981) notes that Indian cultural erned in these matters not by a belief in the
ideals discourage individuals from display- golden mean but by a staunch belief in the
ing initiative and/or undertaking voluntary golden extreme.’
action. According to Kakar (1981) Indians The ultimate reality is incapable of being
look to elders to provide guidance for action. understood through rational means. This
Like Roland, Kakar emphasizes the impor- reality, as Jain and Kussman (1994: 96) note,
tance of the familial self in the Indian socio- has ‘no form and no name’. Even though this
cultural context and delineates some of the ultimate reality is incapable of being dis-
implications of this self-conception. He notes covered through rational/analytical means,
(1981: 38) ‘The Hindu view of action is the normative implication is that individuals
necessarily a conservative one; it harks back must seek to uncover it for, as Jain and
to a “golden age”, and harbours the sceptical Kussman (1994: 96) note, ‘The deeper the
conviction that social change is superfluous, level of reality the more fully one participates
an importunate deviation from traditional in the truth of being.’ This mode of thinking
ways.’ encourages individuals to strive for the un-
The work of Sinha and Kanungo (1997) attainable ideal while simultaneously recog-
and Sinha (2002) focuses on the content of nizing that this attainment may be all but
the Indian managerial mindset and its impli- impossible. To quote Lannoy (1971: 293):
cations for behavior, while Kakar (1981) and ‘There is no room in this scheme for the
Roland (1988) seek to explicate the essence of modern idea that man is the subject and
the Indian self. Although these frameworks agent of history; there is no admissibility of
have made an important contribution and the possibility of ameliorating the human
have deepened our understanding of Indian condition, nor confidence in the ability to
psychological orientation, they have not ex- master a hostile environment.’
plicitly focused on the thinking processes Nakamura (1964) points out that the
underlying the way that Indians perceive the Indian process of thinking is idealistic in the
world. extreme. As he notes (1964: 136): ‘There is a
The work of Lannoy (1971), in contrast, tendency among the Indians, divested in
focuses on the processes of Indian thinking. general of the concept of a perceptible objec-
According to Lannoy (1971) Indians follow a tive order, not to differentiate too sharply
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44 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management4(1)
between the actual and the ideal or between He further observes that the Indian elite,
fact and imagination or fantasy.’ He further while critical of the errors made by others in
points out that Indians never take any con- the pursuit of economic liberalization, are
certed actions to curb what he calls an much less inclined to acknowledge the limita-
‘extravagant development of fantasy’. The tions inherent in their own system. It is
fantasy in which the Indians engage is ‘free, almost as if the conception of an imaginary
boundless, and extravagant, and often goes ideal implies that its realization in practice
to extremes’ (Nakamura, 1964: 142). Inter- is all but inevitable. The economic reform
estingly enough, even though Indians are process initiated in 1991 may have initiated
prone to fantasizing in an extreme manner, the foundations for attaining a better balance
they are very passive in acting on their between thinking and action, but while it
fantasies (Nakamura, 1964). One interesting may still be too early to form an overall
implication of this mode of thinking is that judgment about the emergent change, the
while Indians may be relatively quick in early indications are not overly encourag-
setting up excessively high imaginary ideals ing.
that they would like to realize, they are not In a study of the development of inde-
troubled by their failure to realize them. pendent power production in India Rufin
Nakamura’s comments are echoed by et al. (2003) note that while the policy makers
Moddie (1968), who suggests that Indians are recognize the need for stemming the power
too prone to strive for absolute perfection. shortage and also accept the need to provide
Their approach to problem solving is much the appropriate incentives to investors, the
too grandiose to result in concrete solutions implementation process has been much too
to concrete problems. Moddie (1968: 5) notes slow for the necessary goals to be realized.
that there is These author/s point out that while the
policy makers’ target was to increase power
a penchant for the choice of absolute in thought
generating capacity by 10 000 MW over the
and behavior. In the sphere of intellect we
expect easy Upanishidic perfection rather than period 1991–2000, in point of fact the addi-
realizing that in real life progress lies between tional increase was only 2000 MW.
imperfection and a little less imperfection. The Indian mindset has been described
In a commentary on the Indian planning as rooted in the fundamental principles of
process the noted political theorist Lucien ‘Brahmanical idealism’ by Kumar (1999b).
Pye (1985: 143) points out that ‘Indian politi- The conception of Brahmanical idealism
cians showed a marked propensity to indulge has a number of different aspects. First, it
in enthusiastic planning, utopian speculation, underscores the importance of uncovering
and wishful thinking, while usually failing to the ultimate reality, no matter how difficult
carry out the implementation: virtuous talk, this might be. This is well exemplified by
big plans, but little delivery.’ Kakar (1981: 34) who notes that the cultural
In a similar vein Irvine (1998: 38), while ideal
commenting on the attitude of India’s elite
towards economic reform, notes has as its goal the liberated, rather than the
successful, or the achieving man; which
What emerges is a yearning for an economic emphasizes the possibility of man’s realization
third way somewhere between laissez faire rather than his salvation, which considers the
capitalism and the planned economy. This exploration and enrichment of the inner world
manifests itself in opposition to most Anglo of experience a vital life task; and which relies
Saxon notions of sensible economic manage- on a practice of a cultivated subjectivity and
ment rather than looking for workable alter- introspection to gain knowledge of the self and
natives. the world.
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Kumar: The Dynamics of Indian Negotiating Behavior 45
The concept also highlights the impor- members (e.g. Derné, 2000; Kakar, 1981;
tance of cultivated subjectivity in uncovering Sinha, 2000). Indians have found it difficult
this ultimate reality. The one crucial implica- to form in-groups beyond the extended
tion of this is that Brahmanical idealism family and the caste community, although
represents an introverted form of thinking. it needs to be said that even within the
Actors are engaged in wishful thinking that extended family and the caste, cooperation
may be divorced from empirical reality to an may not always be easily forthcoming
excessively high degree. In other words, the (Roland, 1990). Indeed, as Nandy (1980:
inner thought processes are not viewed as 121) notes: ‘The difficulty the Indian society
very distinctive from the external world. has always faced in managing large scale
While all individuals everywhere may need organizations is an offshoot of the Brah-
to draw such a distinction, if for nothing else manical world view, and its strong emphasis
than for survival, the degree to which the two on unconditional anarchic individualism.’
are separated varies across cultures (Lillard, In anarchical individualism, individuals
1998). One crucial implication of this is that undoubtedly act out their personal views, but
external reality is rationalized rather than find it difficult to engage in mutually co-
dealt with very directly in a pragmatic, ordinated action to achieve shared goals.
hands-on way. Within the Indian cultural While cooperation between individuals may
context Gopalan and Rivera (1997: 163) be problematical in individualistic cultures
citing Husain (1961) note ‘Action is ranked everywhere, this lack of cooperation is par-
inferior to knowledge and behaviors seeking ticularly pronounced in the presence of anar-
truth, harmony, and unity are given priority chical individualism. Gupta (2002) points out
over focusing on practicality and reality.’ that cooperative behavior and teamwork
This stems in large part from the actors’ among Indians are extremely difficult. In a
recognition that what can be made into a similar vein, as Das (1998: 11) notes: ‘even in
reality in the inner self-contained world of the most homogenous Marwari companies,
the individual, is at the same time the true brothers, and nephews incessantly fight with
definition of reality (Saha, 1992). It is also each other’ (see also Roland, 1990, 1988). He
worth noting that the idealistic mindset is further notes that while conflicts are common
also a self-validating one, in that, if the ideals and endemic in all global firms, they are con-
are not met, it does not bring into question tained because otherwise the firms’ competi-
the validity of those ideals. Indeed, the failure tiveness would be undermined. In India, on
to attain the ideals may make the individuals the other hand, as Das notes, conflicts ‘tend
even more determined to realize them. to spill out’. It is the existence of anarchical
individualism that renders the management
The Concept of Anarchical
of internal conflicts within Indian organiza-
Individualism
tions most difficult. How is compromise pos-
If Brahmanical idealism focuses on the sible when each individual not only thinks in
purity of the inner world, anarchical indi- absolutist terms, but also views their own
vidualism lays primacy on attaining the particular definition of the situation as being
desired ideal through rigid adherence to the only ‘right’ definition?
absolutist forms of interpersonal behavior. Evidence of anarchical individualism is to
Although India has traditionally been char- be found in just about every domain of orga-
acterized as a collectivist society (Hofstede, nizational and inter-organizational inter-
1980) in which the family is central, Indians actions. In 1998, for example, there was
have an individualistic streak which is wrangling in New Delhi between the bureau-
most evident in interaction with out-group crats and the air traffic controllers concern-
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02_CCM 4_1 2/27/04 12:57 PM Page 46
46 International Journal of Cross Cultural Management4(1)
ing the use of new air traffic control equip- the grounds that it was not in the best inter-
ment (Kazmin, 1998). Controllers balked at est of the people of that state. Enron was
the use of new radar and navigational equip- undoubtedly not pleased by this turn of
ment, even though it had been installed nine events and they threatened to take the state
months previously. The attempts by the government to arbitration, as mandated
Airports Authority to persuade the con- under the terms of the existing contract.
trollers to accept the new system were cer- In early 1996, the parties decided to sign
tainly not successful during that period of a new, renegotiated, agreement. In May
time. The recognition that the installation of 1999 phase I of the Dabhol power project
the new equipment would improve air safety started producing power. Was this the end of
did not speed up the internal wrangling the story? Evidently not. By December 2000
between the parties, in spite of the fact that there was yet another change of government
there was external pressure from the Inter- in the State of Maharashtra. On this occa-
national Federation of Airline Pilots Associa- sion the Congress Party-led coalition (the
tion to install the new equipment given the party which had signed the original agree-
fact that the system in place until its intro- ment with Enron in 1993) instituted a fresh
duction was not considered to be the safest in review of the project on the grounds that the
the world. price of Enron’s power was too high! This
Another fascinating example of the lack time around, the negotiations with Enron
of teamwork within Indian organizations is were to prove fruitless and by July 2001
the way that the Indian government dealt Enron had decided to sell its stake in the
with the now bankrupt energy giant Enron. Indian power project.
Following the initiation of economic reforms The point I wish to make is that whatever
in 1991 the Indian government invited the merits or the demerits of the different
foreign power producers to set up new power agreements negotiated with Enron (and by
generation plants in the country. Enron was all accounts there were many problems in the
one of the first foreign firms to respond to this agreement that was negotiated), the different
invitation and it proposed setting up a power governments that came into power con-
plant in the State of Maharashtra. After sistently critiqued the agreement that had
contentious negotiations a memorandum of been negotiated by the previous party. It is
agreement was signed in 1993 between almost as if the different state governments
Enron and the state government of were more interested in scoring points over
Maharashtra, which at that time was led by their predecessors than in trying to strive for
the Congress party. The project was not an agreement with Enron that may have
without its critics who continued to complain had some durability. Most importantly the
vociferously about the lack of transparency in decision makers failed to consider the strate-
the negotiation process and the fact that the gic impact of a continuing policy of incon-
negotiated agreement was much too one- sistency on other foreign power producers
sided in favor of Enron. These criticisms who were exploring the possibility of entering
notwithstanding, Enron started the process of the Indian market. (For an in-depth exami-
constructing the power plant. In 1995, a new nation of this case see ‘Enron (A), (B) and
government led by the Bharatiya Janata (C)’, Harvard Business School, 1997. The case
Party and the Shiv Sena came to power and has also received extensive coverage in the
one of their first actions was to order a fresh press.)
review of the Enron project. In a matter of
months the new government cancelled the
state government’s contract with Enron on
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02_CCM 4_1 2/27/04 12:57 PM Page 47
Kumar: The Dynamics of Indian Negotiating Behavior 47
The Indian World View and the maximum degree that is imaginable. This
Negotiating Dynamics is both advantageous as well as disadvanta-
geous for the Indian negotiator. On the posi-
The Impact of Brahmanical
tive side, high aspiration levels are essential
Idealism
for attaining integrative solutions (Filley,
Theorists note that in negotiation there are 1975). Without high aspiration levels the
four possible outcomes, namely (1) no agree- actors may settle for a compromise and in
ment; (2) a victory for one of the parties; (3) a doing so leave gains on the table. High
compromise; or (4) a win–win solution, i.e. a aspiration levels also prevent negotiators
solution in which the joint benefits to the from being taken advantage of by their coun-
parties are greater than those obtained with a terparts. On the negative side, high aspira-
compromise (Rubin et al., 1994 ). Which of tion levels slow down the process of reaching
these outcomes emerges as a product of the an agreement (e.g. Bazerman et al., 1985;
negotiation process is often dependent on the Pruitt and Lewis, 1975). In the extreme case
aspiration levels of the parties, the rigidities they may persuade the other actor to with-
with which the aspirations are held, the psy- draw from the negotiation process.
chological biases that get intensified during High aspiration levels may manifest them-
the interaction, and/or the emergence of selves in two distinct ways (Higgins, 1998):
affect during the negotiation process (e.g. they could represent either the maximization
Barry and Oliver, 1996; Brett et al., 1999; of positive outcomes (promotion focus) or the
Pruitt, 1981). minimization of negative outcomes (pre-
The aspiration level refers to the standard vention focus). While a ‘promotion focus
that the negotiator hopes to attain or exceed is concerned with accomplishments, hopes,
during the negotiating encounter. This stan- and aspirations, prevention focus is con-
dard defines the benchmark against which cerned with safety, responsibilities, and obli-
the negotiator assesses the success or failure gations’ (Higgins, 1998: 16). In a negotiation
of the negotiation. Psychological biases may context, a promotion focus could mean
be intensified during the negotiation process maximizing benefits from a negotiated
as a result of an idealistic mode of thinking. transaction, while a prevention focus could
The negotiators may also experience nega- mean minimizing the possibility of entering
tive emotions if the negotiation fails to pro- into unprofitable transactions. Although the
duce the desired outcome and/or the process impact of high aspiration levels using either
of getting to the agreement is an excruciat- the promotion or the prevention motiva-
ingly slow one. In this section I will attempt tional orientation on negotiation processes
to outline the impact of Brahmanical ideal- has not been systematically tested either in a
ism on (a) the aspiration levels of Indian laboratory setting or in a field setting, there is
negotiators; (b) the rigidity of the aspiration some anecdotal evidence suggesting that high
levels; (c) the intensification of the psycho- aspiration levels have brought both benefits
logical biases; and (d) the emergence of emo- as well as losses for Indian negotiators.
tions during the negotiation process. On a positive note, a Danish manager
commenting on his interactions with an
Aspiration levels of Indian negotiators Indian agent noted that discussions with the
A major implication of Brahmanical idealism Indian agent went on and on. The negotiated
is that aspiration levels (expectations) of agreement took much longer to obtain com-
Indian negotiators are likely to be very high. pared with what is typical for Denmark. The
In searching for the ideal solution Indian Danish manager noted that the Indian agent
negotiators are trying to realize their goals to was very clever and he was able to obtain the
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